Coup d'etat In America

NODULE X25

AFTER THE COUP:

FRANK STURGIS, WHITE HOUSE
SPECIAL OPERATIONS GROUP

For the most up-to-date version of this Nodule go to
http://ajweberman.com/nodulex25.pdf

STURGIS' ALIBIS

In 1 974 Michael Canfield questioned FRANK STURGIS about his alibi for November 22,
1963. STURGIS: "I was home watching television. ..in Miami." The television listings for
November 22, 1963, in the Miami Herald, indicated that at 1:30 p.m. (12:30 Dallas time)
Search For Tomorrow, Truth or Consequences and Father Knows Best were on
television at the time. Why would an active, macho guy like STURGIS be at home
watching television? STURGIS worked as a used car salesman at the time. Why wasn't
he at work? The reason was he had to be placed in a non-public environment

THE NOVEMBER 22, 1963, MEETING IN WASHINGTON, D.C.

Later in 1974 STURGIS told Michael Canfield that he was watching television on the
day of the assassination, possibly in Washington, rather than Miami:

Well, yeah, I love to watch television. Well, and regardless of where its at,

I don't care if I'm in Washington, or anyplace, I'll watch television. But
they've asked me that, like I said, they asked me where I was on that day
and I told them 'Well, I've got no comment on that.' So I suspect that
maybe I'll be dragged up there to Washington before one of those
Congressional Committees, or the Rockefeller Commission.

As stated, STURGIS and Wilfrado Navarro testified before the Rockefeller Commission
on April 3, 1975. Present were Staff Members William Schwarzer, Robert Olsen, James
Roethe. During his deposition in HUNT V. WEBERMA N STURGIS was asked:

Q. Do you remember giving a story to anybody, especially Mr. Canfield,
that you may have been in Washington, D.C. on November 22, 1963.

A. I don't recall.

WEBERMAN: I've got it on tape.

A. I'm sorry. Then one of us is wrong.

WEBERMAN: You said you didn't know where you were, but you were
watching television.

A. Because I was home.

WEBERMAN: So you weren't working that day?

A. I was at home and I did leave the house. Supposedly Jim Buchanan
came and told me that, I went with him and left the house with him.

Around this time Bernard Fensterwald and Richard Sprague circulated a story that on
November 22, 1963, STURGIS was at a meeting in Washington, D.C., with Richard
Helms, HUNT, and Cuban exile Enrique Williams. Sprague told a researcher:

HUNT was at a meeting of Operation 40 with Helms, Enrique Williams,

Lyman Kirkpatrick. This was confirmed by Williams. Williams was a leader
of the Bay of Pigs Brigade. Hanes Johnson told me Enrique Williams was
at this meeting, and I confirmed it with Williams. Williams was a very
honest individual, as any guy would be, who came under fire on that
beach. If HUNT said he was at this meeting I would not believe him.
Williams told this story long before Watergate. The meeting concerned the
CIA putting more money up for another invasion of Cuba.

The notes of a Rockefeller Commission investigator indicated confusion about this
meeting:

Check Bureau files on HUNT interviews in 1974. Did HUNT claim to be in
the company of Agency officials on November 22, 1963? and give their
names to FBI & claim they could corroborate his presence there? Check
with HUNT'S lawyer regarding content of HUNT'S TV denials of Dallas
matter in November 1974. Did HUNT say he was at work at Agency at
1:30 p.m.? (Taped by Kaiser.) HUNT refused to say who he was with.
Contact Robert Blair Kaiser at Rolling Stone regarding whether he had
recording or notes of his November 1974 interview with HUNT in New
York.

STURGIS said that he might have been in Washington on November 22, 1963. The CIA
planned to provide STURGIS with an alibi, and leaked it through their asset, Bernard
Fensterwald. In 1978 STURGIS said he did not recall telling Michael Canfield anything
about a meeting in Washington, D.C. This was because the CIA abandoned "the
meeting in D.C." alibi, since it would have put HUNT and STURGIS together prior to
1971.

JAMES A. HUNT

STURGIS told Rockefeller Commission "he was in Miami Florida throughout the day of
the assassination, and his testimony was supported by the testimony of his wife, and by
the testimony of his wife's nephew [James A. Hunt]. The nephew, who was then living
with the STURGIS family, is now a practicing attorney in the Midwest." Rockefeller
Commission investigator Pete Clapper: "I phoned James A. Hunt, attorney, Cincinnati,
Ohio, 513-381-0656, before noon on April 1, 1975. I explained that the Commission

seeks to ascertain the whereabouts of FRANK STURGIS on November 22, 1963. Mr.
James Hunt said he wished to check with STURGIS, and then would call back. He
called before noon this date and provided the following information:

James Hunt was living with his aunt, Janet Sturgis, and her husband,
FRANK, at their home at Northwest 122nd Street in Miami on November
22, 1963. James Hunt was attending Miami Day Junior College. He had
enrolled there in August 1963.

To the best of his knowledge, he recalls having an early class that day.

Before leaving the house, he saw FRANK STURGIS at home about
breakfast time. Hunt returned to the house in mid-morning. His
grandmother was home. He took a nap. His grandmother awakened him
to report there were news reports that the President had been shot in
Dallas. James Hunt remembers they watched CBS correspondent Walter
Cronkite.

James Hunt reports that STURGIS returned home that afternoon and they
watched TV He believes STURGIS was a used car salesman at the time.

He is certain that it was a working day for STURGIS. Prior to STURGIS
returning to the house in the afternoon, James Hunt recalls taking a drive
around Miami during the afternoon alone. He recalls his aunt was upset by
the TV reports. He recalls his cousin, Gale, a grade school student, was
present in the household, and watched TV with them during the evening.
STURGIS was at home that evening, he believes to the best of his
recollection.

James Hunt says the day stands out particularly in his mind because only
five days earlier he had seen Kennedy in person. James Hunt and a friend
were at the Miami airport the previous Monday. Kennedy happened to be
arriving. They joined the crowd and watched him.

Hunt agreed to draft an affidavit. I have given him my name and the
Commission address to send the affidavit to. [RCD Memo Robert B. Olsen
to Clapper 4.3.75]

James Hunt's affidavit for the Rockefeller Commission stated:

AFFIDAVIT OF JAMES A. HUNT

STATE OF OHIO
COUNTY OF HAMILTON

James A. Hunt, being duly sworn and cautioned, deposes and says that:

1. I am submitting this Affidavit to the Commission on CIA activities within
the United States at the request of Peter R. Clapper, who contacted me by
telephone and told me he is a staff member of the foregoing Commission.

2. The purpose of this Affidavit is to record, to the best of my knowledge,
my recollection of certain events that occurred on November 22, 1963.

3. During the period August 1963 until May 1962, I was enrolled as a
freshman student at Miami-Dade Junior College located near the corner of
northwest 1 19th Street and 27th Avenue in Miami, Florida.

4. During the aforementioned period, I lived in the household of my aunt,
Mrs. Janet Sturgis, and her husband, my uncle, FRANK STURGIS at 2515
Northwest 122nd Street, Miami. My grand-mother, Mrs. Elizabeth Hunt,
now deceased, also lived there.

5. Taking into consideration the fact that November 22, 1963, is a single
day which occurred almost 1 1 Vz years ago, the following is offered as my
best recollection of the day.

A. As I recall, I had an early class at Miami Dade Junior College on
November 22, 1963, and arose early enough to arrive at school at least
before 9:00 a.m. It is my recollection that I saw FRANK STURGIS at home
prior to my leaving for school that morning.

B. I returned to the STURGIS household sometime during mid-morning,
probably sometime between 11:00 a.m. and 12:00 p.m. Since I had not
eaten breakfast previously, it is my recollection that, upon returning to the
STURGIS' household, I ate breakfast and retired to my room to take a
short nap and do some reading prior to the late afternoon class which I
had to attend on that day.

C. At some time between 12:00 noon and 1:30 p.m. I was awakened by
my grandmother who told me that reports of an attempted assassination
on the life of President John Kennedy were being broadcast on television.

D. I then arose and watched the news. It is my recollection that besides
my grandmother, my aunt, Mrs. Janet Sturgis was also at home watching
the television.

E. Later in the afternoon on that day, probably at approximately 3:00 p.m.,
I drove back to Miami-Dade Junior College to see if my afternoon class
had been canceled.

F. Upon arriving at Miami-Dade Junior College that afternoon I discovered
that the class had, in fact, been canceled; thereafter I took a drive through

the city of Miami, contemplating the significance of the events of that day
and trying to get some idea of their impact on other people.

G. I arrived back at the STURGIS household in the late afternoon,
probably between 3:30 p.m. and 5:00 p.m.

H. Upon my arrival back at the STURGIS household, or shortly thereafter,

I recall seeing my grandmother, my aunt, Mrs. Janet Sturgis and my uncle,
FRANK STURGIS. It is further my recollection that the aforementioned
persons ate dinner at the STURGIS household and remained there for the
rest of the evening.

6. The foregoing represents, to the best of my recollection, a summary of
certain events which occurred on November 22, 1963, the day on which
President John F. Kennedy was assassinated. Further Affiant Saith
Naught. James A. Hunt.

STURGIS said that he was at home, watching television, when news of the
assassination was flashed across the screen. He said he was with James Hunt. James
Hunt had a different version of events. He said that his aunt woke him up when the
news was flashed, however, FRANK STURGIS was not there at the time. James Hunt
told Olsen during their phone conversation that STURGIS returned home that afternoon
and they watched TV before he went for his drive. In his affidavit he stated he saw
STURGIS after his drive. He believed STURGIS was a used car salesman at the time.
He was certain that it was a working day for STURGIS. STURGIS never mentioned
anything about working that day. He claimed he was home, watching TV. James Hunt
could also be mistaken about seeing STURGIS at breakfast because this event
occurred before the assassination and was less likely to be as clear in his mind as
events that followed it. James Hunt said he had a very early class to attend. Why would
STURGIS be eating breakfast at so early an hour if all he had planned for that day was
to stay indoors and watch T.V?

TELEPHONE INTERVIEW WITH JAMES HUNT

James Hunt was contacted in January 1 994 and asked:

Q. Was FRANK there when you were woken up and told about the
assassination?

A. No, he wasn't there when I woke up.

Q. But FRANK said he was there.

A. Not in the afternoon. I never saw FRANK'S testimony. Where did he
say that? FRANK may have his times mixed-up there. I must admit that
part I don't remember. I got to say as I sit here, 'It's been a long time.' -

What, 30 years? - But I don't remember FRANK being there when she
woke me up. I'm not quite sure whether he was there when they made the
announcement of his death. I certainly stand behind the affidavit I gave to
the Rockefeller Commission. My recollection is that I saw FRANK early in
the morning. I came home, laid down, my grandmother woke me up and
said 'He's been shot.' I went out and watched the news for awhile. I had an
afternoon class that day, and somewhere around mid-afternoon I went
over to see if they were going to hold class. It turned out they weren't, and
I drove around for half an hour or so and I got back. That was probably
when I saw FRANK again, you know what I mean. Hell, that would be 3:00
p.m., something like that, yeah. 3:30 p.m. to 5:00 p.m. sounds about right.

Q. FRANK'S alibi was 'I was watching TV when the news came on about
the assassination. My nephew was there, with me, when it first happened.'

A. I am not trying to be unfriendly, but I don't know what the purpose of
this call is?

Q. I am trying to resolve this contradiction in the testimony.

A. He could have been there, but I just don't remember he was there.

I swear the following is true and correct: In 2008 I met with Bob Risch, the co-author of
a book that Jim Hunt was planning to do about his uncle FRANK STURGIS entitled
Cuba On My Mind. He told me that Jim had retracted his statement to the Rockefeller
Commission and that FRANK had asked him to alibi him for the day in question. When
the book was published Hunt stuck to the statement that he gave to the Rockefeller
Commission. He did say that he believed STURGIS was part of the conspiracy to kill
Kennedy but was not a shooter. I asked him what part could STURGIS have played?
Did he write a White Paper on the Bay of Pigs? Did he arrange the flowers at JFK’s
funeral? I pointed out to him that FRANK was a killer and that if he was part of the plot
his role involved murder. Hunt did not believe that FRANK had killed his best friend,
Alex Rorke or that he machine-gunned dozens of Masferrer supporters at San Juan Hill
in Cuba. I told him that in HEMMING’s words, “FRANK was a stubble bum.”

THE AFFIDAVIT OF MRS. JANET STURGIS

RECOLLECTION IS A STRANGE THING. SOME HUMANS ARE MORE
GIFTED WITH REMEMBERING CERTAIN EVENTS THAN OTHERS.
BUT I WOULD HAZARD A GUESS THAT ALMOST ALL AMERICANS
(WHO WERE ABOVE THE AGE OF FIVE) CAN, WITH PERFECT
CLARITY, DESCRIBE WHAT THEY WERE DOING ON NOVEMBER 22,
1963, WHEN THEY FIRST HEARD THE NEWS BULLETIN FROM
DALLAS, TEXAS, STATING THAT PRESIDENT KENNEDY HAD BEEN
SHOT.

ON THAT DAY IN NOVEMBER, WHICH WAS A TYPICALLY WARM
SOUTH FLORIDIAN DAY, MY HUSBAND (FRANK STURGIS) AND I
WERE IN OUR BEDROOM. MY MOTHER WAS IN THE FLORIDA
ROOM WATCHING TELEVISION. I RECALL MY MOTHER RUNNING
INTO OUR ROOM DECLARING THAT PRESIDENT KENNEDY HAD
BEEN SHOT. MY MOST VIVID RECOLLECTION IS THE EMOTION I
FELT: DISBELIEF AND ANNOYANCE WITH MY MOTHER: FOR
SURELY SHE HAD MISUNDERSTOOD OR GOTTEN HER FACTS
CONFUSED. SUCH THINGS COULDN'T HAPPEN. BUT FRANK AND I
WENT IMMEDIATELY TO THE FLORIDA ROOM TO LISTEN TO THE
TELEVISION. AS SOON AS WE REALIZED THIS PRONOUNCEMENT
WAS TRUE, FRANK LEFT THE HOUSE. I STAYED AT HOME, GLUED
TO THE T.V. UNBELIEVING (LIKE PROBABLY EVERYONE ELSE IN
THE COUNTRY AT THE TIME) AND YET MESMERIZED BY WHAT
WAS BEING BROADCAST.

MY NEPHEW, JAMES A. HUNT, JR. WAS LIVING WITH US WHILE
ATTENDING HIS FIRST YEAR OF COLLEGE AT MIAMI DADE. I
HONESTLY DO NOT REMEMBER WHAT TIME HE RETURNED HOME

FROM CLASSES, ALTHOUGH IT WAS PROBABLY EARLY IN THE
AFTERNOON.

I DO REMEMBER THAT MY NEPHEW AND GONE EARLIER IN THE
WEEK TO MIAMI INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT TO BE AMONG THE
THOUSANDS WHO WELCOMED PRESIDENT KENNEDY ON HIS
STOP-OVER IN MIAMI PRIOR TO A FLIGHT TO DALLAS, TEXAS. I
ALSO REMEMBER, QUITE VIVIDLY, FANK (sic) AND MY (sic)
WATCHING TELEVISION THAT SUNDAY AFTERNOON, NOVEMBER
24, 1975 (sic) WHEN LEE HARVEY OSWALD WAS BEING ESCORTED
THROUGH A DALLAS POLICE STATION AND WAS SHOT AND KILLED
IN VIEW OF MILLIONS OF TELEVIEWERS.

THIS MUCH I CAN ATTEST TO: AT THE MOMENT OF THE
ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY MY HUSBAND -
FRANK A. STURGIS - WAS WITH ME IN OUR HOME AT 2515 N.W. 122
STREET, MIAMI, FLORIDA. JANET STURGIS.

Janet Sturgis lied in order to provide an alibi for her husband. Her affidavit conflicted
with that of James Hunt. The Rockefeller Commission did not mention this conflict,
however the Rockefeller Commission concluded: "It cannot be determined with certainty
where STURGIS actually was on the day of the assassination." This conclusion was
derived from the fact that: "All witnesses directly supporting the presence of STURGIS
in Miami, Florida, on the day of the assassination are family members or relatives. Less
weight can be assigned to the testimony of such interested witnesses..."

STURGIS' SECOND ALIBI

During his deposition in 1978 in the course of HUNT v. WEBERMAN, STURGIS was
asked if he was watching television at 1:30 p.m. (12:30 p.m. in Dallas)? STURGIS: "I
don't remember, so many years ago, I don't recall, I think it was on all stations..."

Q. What were you doing about 1 2:30 p.m. on November 22, 1 963?

A. On November 22, 1963, at about 12:30 p.m., I was at a party at my
home in Miami, Florida, with my wife Janet Sturgis, my mother-in-law,
Elizabeth Hunt, and my nephew, who was at my home at that time, James
Hunt.

Q. Where was this home located?

A. 2515 N.W. 122nd Street, Miami, Florida, 33167.

Q. Is this the same home you maintain today?

A. Yes sir.

Q. Can you describe your movements on that day, to the best of your
recollection?

A. Not really; it was so many years ago. I was at home, I did not go out. I
have other people with the Federal Government that do have on record,
that could testify or have already testified that I was in Miami on November
22, 1963. ..I have nothing to hide. The Federal Government knows of my
activities, knows where I was at on that particular day of the assassination,
and I am quite sure that the government - as far as I'm concerned - is well
aware of who is behind -- if there was a conspiracy, I believe there was a
conspiracy -- and they are well aware of who was behind the conspiracy.

Q. November 22, 1963, was a working day. Were you working at that
time?

A. Most likely.

Q. Did you have any reason for not being at work that day?

A. Friday? No reason.

Q. What were you doing that day? You say you don't remember. Do you
remember --

A. I don't recall.

Q. Do you remember talking to a Mr. Michael Canfield, the co-author of
this book?

A. On that day?

Q. About the events of that day?

A. Yes.

Q. Do you remember what you told him?

A. Not really, it's been so -

Q. Could you have told him you were watching television?

A. Possibly yes, yes. As a matter of fact, I think my mother-in-law told me
the President was assassinated.

Q. Were you watching television around 12:30 in the afternoon that day?

A. I don't remember; so many years ago. I don't recall.

Q. So you wouldn't remember what program was on?

A. I think it was on all stations. It was a continuation that day of the
assassination.

STURGIS said that he was at home on November 22, 1963, watching T.V. and, at the
same time, at work that day. He was asked: "Do you remember what you were doing for
a living at the time of the assassination, what your job was or how you earned your
living?" He responded: "That's quite a long spell. I would have to really wrack my mind
to find out at that particular time what I was doing. Right at the present time, I don't
know; but I could, you know, through records and so forth... I could look through them
and tell you what I was doing that particular time... [I was] at home that day and did
leave the house." STURGIS was asked:

Q. Are there any other witnesses besides your immediate relatives and
Geraldine Shamma, to verify your whereabouts on November 22, 1 963?

A. Yes.

Q. Who are they?

A. William Johnson, we call him Bill Johnson.

Q. Where is he?

A. He lives here in San Souci Estates in Miami, Dade County.

Q. Do you know anybody else?

A. His telephone number is 305-893-6013. Jim Buchanan, as a matter of
fact, I believe Jim Buchanan came to my house on that date of November
22, 1963, him and I went off the day of the Kennedy assassination.

Q. Anybody else you remember?

A. Geraldine Shamma, Jim Buchanan, William Johnson, my nephew, Jim
Hunt.

Q. What did you tell the Rockefeller Commission?

A. The same thing.

Q. But the Rockefeller Commission said your witnesses were only close
relatives.

A. I'm sorry, you're right. I glad you brought that up because just recently,
because of all the publicity, people did contact me and tell me, "Hey, you
remember this, this, this? If you need any help, fine." Well, I told Fonzi and
Fonzi supposedly , I'm not sure whether he had already been in touch with
these people or not, but he is aware of these people I came across. So I
turned it over - -

STURGIS said he had seen William Johnson and Geraldine Shamma that day but he
was unable to recall the identity of any impartial witnesses. In June 1993 William
Johnson was asked whether or not he was with STURGIS that day: "I was not there, no
sir. I was not there."

Attorney Mark Friedman asked STURGIS:

Q. Were you with HOWARD HUNT on November 22, 1 963?

A. I don't recall.

Q. "Yes"or "No"?

A. No. If I don't recall why should I say "Yes" or "No"? I don't recall it.

Q. Were you involved in a conspiracy to kill President Kennedy?

A. Never in my life. That is part of the polygraph. The United States
Government knows where I was on November 22, 1963. They know
where LEE HARVEY OSWALD was three weeks to the day of the
assassination, working at the book depository. There is a witness that
knew his whereabouts every day three weeks before. As far as I'm
concerned I don't see how in the hell LEE HARVEY OSWALD could be in
Miami riding with Marita Lorenz to Dallas, Texas, who she calls OZZIE, is
the biggest fabrication of a lie she ever said in her life. I don't know how
she could do it. Let her take a polygraph test.

A SUSPECT: NOVEMBER 23, 1963

On the morning of November 23, 1963, a FBI agent interrogated STURGIS. The
Michael Canfield interview revealed:

A. Hey I can show you a clipping where they say I was involved in the
assassination of President Kennedy.

Q. Who said this?

A. Newspapers, I even got investigated by that Watergate thing. They
asked me where I was. I told them I knew nothing about it. I was home

watching television. They felt the CIA might be behind it. So they wanted
an investigation of E. HOWARD HUNT and myself on the assassination of
President Kennedy. What the hell do I got to do with the assassination of
President Kennedy? I may have disagreed with his policies and so forth,
but that doesn't warrant killing the President of the United States. And they
asked me about other attempted assassinations. I said yeah, Cuba. Some
people say that if you attempt to assassinate people outside of the United
States, wouldn't you be capable of the assassination of the President of
the United States? I said, "Well, the thought never entered my mind." But
I'm capable of doing many things. I'm that type of a man. But I see no
grounds for me doing something like that. You know, he was my
Commander-in-Chief.

Q. What about other people in the CIA?

A. The CIA had a lot of different factions, some of which I didn't trust.

Q. Are you convinced the Warren Commission Report was correct?

A. On what?

Q. On the Kennedy assassination.

A. Let me tell you something about the Report. Nobody knows what's in
that Report. Only what they wanted to give out. And I don't believe the
report is complete. I think there is a conspiracy involved in the
assassination of President Kennedy and they covered it up.

Q. Who do you think did it?

A. I don't have the slightest idea. But I think it’s one big cover-up.

Q. That's strange they would investigate you for that.

A. Well, they sure did. I had FBI agents over at my house.

Q. For the assassination?

A. Yeah.

Q. When, right after it happened?

A. Right after it happened.

Q. Why did they come to you?

A. I asked them that. They told me I was one person they felt had the
capabilities to do it. Heh, heh, heh. They said: "FRANK, if there is anybody
capable of killing the President of the United States, you're the guy that
can do it." Heh, heh, heh that's funny I told them, "I'm not mad at you or
nothing, I had nothing to do with it, but that amuses me..."

STURGIS also told Canfield: "You have to look at my past. I've done a lot of things. I've
been on assassination attempts. I was involved in so many things. Skullduggery,
intrigue, espionage.

Q. When you say assassination attempts?

A. Well, in foreign countries.

In 1978 STURGIS stated: "Now the FBI did make contact with me after President
Kennedy's assassination, yes. ..I was questioned by the FBI shortly after the
assassination. They did come and visit me and question me about my activities during
President Kennedy's assassination." STURGIS was asked:

Q. Do you remember one of those agents indicating to you the following words:
"FRANK, you are one of the few people in this country capable of pulling off something
like this?"

A. No. The agent told me that I was one person in this country that could possibly do
this, if I wanted to.

The notes of Rockefeller Commission investigator Robert Olsen revealed:
"Whereabouts November 22, 1963: In Miami, at home, two FBI Agents came to visit
him. Bob Dwyer was one. To find out his whereabouts & to get help. Witnesses: His
wife Janet Sturgis (Married since 1961) wife's nephew, Jim Hunt (Cincinnati, Ohio,
Attorney)." Robert James Dwyer was one of the FBI agents who questioned STURGIS
on November 23, 1963. Dwyer knew HEMMING. STURGIS was an informant for
Dwyer. STURGIS explained: "You must understand that I set up an intelligence
apparatus here in the United States... and naturally, this information was turned over to
the United States Government." Robert Dwyer never filed a formal report of the
interview. HEMMING said Robert Dwyer told him he had worked with Herbert Philbrick.

DISINFORMATION CAMPAIGN TO LINK OSWALD WITH CASTRO
STURGIS AND JAMES BUCHANAN NOVEMBER 26, 1963

Immediately following the Kennedy assassination James Buchanan, FRANK STURGIS,
JOHN MARTINO and others launched a campaign to blame the Kennedy assassination
on Fidel Castro. The propaganda operation started with an article dated November 26,
1963, which appeared the in Pompano Beach Sun-Sentinel that quoted STURGIS:
"OSWALD was in Miami in November 1962 [OSWALD had been in Miami in December
1962] and had contact with Miami-based supporters of Fidel Castro who were agents of

the G-2. OSWALD gave out his Fair Play for Cuba Committee literature, and Jerry
Buchanan, who was with my group, did tell me there was a possibility that OSWALD
was in the area, and that he had a fight with OSWALD." Buchanan claimed he knew the
name of the printer where OSWALD had his literature printed.

STURGIS was questioned about this during his deposition in HUNT V. WEBERMAN :

Q. Do you remember Mr. Buchanan giving out a news story that alleged
that LEE HARVEY OSWALD was in Miami in 1963?

A. Oh yes! As a matter of fact, his brother, Jerry Buchanan, was one of the
people that was with my group and Jerry did give me some information to
the fact that he thought there was a possibility that one of the persons,
now, you must remember that during that particular time there were
hundreds of Americans in the area, plus Canadians, in this area here,
trying to make contact with various Cuban groups in order to be involved
against Cuba, and Jerry did tell me that there was a possibility that
OSWALD was in this area and that he had a fight with OSWALD. He
wasn't sure but this was what he told me.

On November 27, 1963, STURGIS told S.A. James O'Conner that his comments in the
article were guesses and speculation, and that he had no hard information. S.A. James
O'Conner sent a report to Washington concluding that STURGIS was unreliable, and
that his story had no basis in fact. The reports of S.A. James O'Conner in which
STURGIS linked OSWALD to Fidel Castro were withheld. [FBI 62-109090-63rd NR 172
Hoover] On April 22, 1964, the Director of the FBI sent this message to the Miami Field
Office:

Bureau also desires Jim Buchanan to be interviewed in order to pin down,
once and for all, wild statements concerning alleged activities of OSWALD
in Florida which for the most part appear to emanate from MARTINO and
Buchanan. If Buchanan uncooperative, set forth results in LHM form
suitable for dissemination to President's Commission at which time
consideration will then be given to suggesting Buchanan as well as
MARTINO be subpoenaed before President Commission. Handle
promptly and surep results. [NARA FBI 124-10035-10367]

The FBI reported:

James Buchanan, former reporter for the Pompano Beach Sun-Sentinel,
stated he has no personal or firsthand knowledge of OSWALD or
OSWALD'S activities. He stated his newspaper stories on OSWALD were
obtained from sources he regarded as reliable, whose accuracy he did not
question. He declined to reveal the identity of a printer at Miami whom he
alleges printed pro-Castro literature for OSWALD. Concerning the alleged
fight between his brother, Jerry Buchanan, and OSWALD, he maintains

this information was received from a Cuban named Sanchez, a member of
the organization 'Los Pinos Nuevos,' and has never talked to his brother
about this alleged fight. He says he knows no person who was a witness
to the presence of OSWALD in Miami, but thought his brother, Jerry
Buchanan, should be contacted in that respect. When informed that his
brother had been contacted and had furnished a varying account,
Buchanan said he knew only what Sanchez had told him. Efforts to
identify Sanchez through anti-Castro organization Los Pinos Nuevos, or
through interview of one Jesus Sanchez, resulted negatively.

BUCHANAN'S SECOND STORY

A second article in the Pompano Beach Sun-Sentinel stated:

OSWALD tried to infiltrate several other major organizations in Miami,
including the Anti-Communist Brigade, which is headed by Major FRANK
STURGIS, a former Commander in Castro's Air Force. STURGIS said his
outfit turned down OSWALD'S application, because they could not find out
anything about his background. STURGIS told me, 'We have already
established that he was in contact with G-2 agents while here in Miami.
We are trying to get the billing record from the telephone company. He
called Havana. OSWALD was known to have a bad temper while here in
Miami. ..His other G-2 connections were in Mexico this past summer, and
in New Orleans, just five weeks ago. We are in the process of checking
out the leads. We already have a few names and places. Men are on the
scene interviewing people who may have witnessed the meeting in Mexico
City and in New Orleans...'" The Miami FBI Office responded: "The Miami
Office does not contemplate interview of Jim Buchanan inasmuch as the
previous concerning an article by Buchanan, reported in Miami report
dated January 25, 1964, in instant caption, reflected that Buchanan deals
in rumors an unverified information which he attributed to anonymous
sources. [FBI Rep. of James O'Conner 4.4.64]

MARTINEZ AND GONZALEZ WERE WATERGATE BURGLARS

Allen Courtney suggested that S.A. James O'Conner interview JOHN MARTINO, but
MARTINO was traveling from city to city on a lecture tour for the John Birch Society.
Instead, S.A. James O'Conner interviewed JOHN MARTINO'S associate, Nathan Weyl,
who told him OSWALD was a G-2 agent. On December 2, 1963, S.A. James O'Conner
interviewed MARTINO, who told him that a confidential source had told him OSWALD
was in Miami in October 1962, and made several telephone calls to Cuba from the
home of a suspected Castro double-agent. MARTINO said that when OSWALD
distributed his Fair Play for Cuba Committee literature in Bayfront Park, Jerry Buchanan
attacked him. In January 1964, MARTINO told one of his audiences that he had special
knowledge of OSWALD. According to MARTINO, when OSWALD was in Mexico in
October 1963, he caught a clandestine flight from the Yucatan Peninsula to Havana,
Cuba. S.A. James O'Conner contacted MARTINO a few days after he made this
speech. He told S.A. James O'Conner his source for OSWALD'S clandestine trip to
Cuba was a high official in the Castro Government. On December 3, 1963, STURGIS
supplied the CIA with information on a possible air strike over Cuba. [Index Card
(Deleted)-04183] On February 7, 1964, Helene Finan, Chief of the Office of Security,
Security Research Staff, CIA, debriefed Hede Massing regarding her knowledge of the
circumstances surrounding the Kennedy assassination. [CIA 3.26.64 03681; CIA 1288-
1022] Hede Massing, a former Soviet spy who was once the toast of Vienna, had once
been married to Gerhart Eisler, an agent of Moscow. Senator Joseph McCarthy used
Massing to observe the behavior of American Government employees in Europe.
Massing worked with Roy M. Cohen in this regard. [Senator Joe McCarthy - Richard
Rovere, Torch Books, 1959] The FBI stated: "Massing worked, and might still work, for
the Central Intelligence Agency." [FBI Dallas 100-10461-4075] ANGLETON'S Deputy,
James Hunt, was in contact with Hede Massing. [FBI 3.31.64 Branigan to Sullivan; FBI
105-82555-2993,2464,2906]

Subject reported on various personalities she heard discussed while she
was visiting Sylvia and Nathaniel Weyl in Florida from December 30,
1963, to January 8, 1964.

JOHN MARTINO

Mr. and Mrs. MARTINO visited the Weyls one evening when Massing was
present. John Martino and Nathan Weyl are co-authors of the book, / Was
Castro's Prisoner, which was published in November 1963. Massing, at
this point, cautioned the writer to remember that all she was relating
regarding the Weyls remarks were rumors, and or, gossip, and that source
has no means of checking the truth of their statements. JOHN MARTINO
is the individual who carries the stories to Nathaniel Weyl and both JOHN
and Nathaniel are deeply entrenched with the Cuban anti-Castro forces.
MARTINO claims to have a friend in Miami who keeps him well-informed
on Cuban matters.

MARTINO and Nathaniel spoke of a trip that MARTINO had made to Cuba
with an American newspaper woman, one Lapin and two CIA agents.
Nathaniel Weyl did not accompany them. It is Massing's opinion that
Nathaniel, who is a coward, just welshed on the trip, but that he did
finance it. The purpose of the trip was to contact a Cuban who was
serving as liaison for the four Russian Generals in charge of training and
organizing the Cuban military. The Cuban, who met the group in the
water, at the edge of a beach in Cuba, told them that the four Generals
wanted to escape and seek asylum in the United States. MARTINO is
going ahead with a follow-up plan whereby on a given signal, he and a
group would sail to Cuba to pick up the Generals. Weyl is going on a long
lecture tour and will not be able to accompany the pick-up team to Cuba.

LEE HARVEY OSWALD

The Cuban friends of the unnamed individual in Miami know that
OSWALD contacted the Cuban MI-6 by telephone from a private home in
Miami. They also know the man who furnished the information on
OSWALD to the FBI.

From the reports given by the Cubans to this unknown individual, it seems
very definite that RUBY went to Havana to make a shady deal with a
creature by the name of Praskin, who works with the Cuban Communists
and who is also tied up with call girls in Cuba.

A friend of Weyl, who ran for the Presidency of Cuba in 1958, shortly will
testify before the Senate Internal Security Committee. Massing says this
information may be confidential. Sourwine of the Committee, contacted
Weyl to get in touch with this individual.

[Massing Debriefing 2.7.64 Helene Finan NARA 1993.08.04.18:45:23:780037]

On February 27, 1964, a memorandum from William Branigan to William C. Sullivan
was generated:

CIA has furnished a memorandum through Liaison channels indicating
that according to a confidential and reliable source, whose sources are
unknown, LEE HARVEY OSWALD allegedly was telephonically in contact
with MI-6 (Cuban Intelligence) from a private home in Miami, Florida.
Further allegations indicate JACK RUBY, alleged assassin of OSWALD,
went to Havana, Cuba, to make a shady deal with 'Praskin' who works
with the Cuban Communists and was a dope pusher used by the
Communists; that a friend of the source claims there is more to Marina
Oswald than meets the eye; that Marguerite Oswald, mother of the
Subject, is an old line communist and that OSWALD'S return to the United
States was part of a Russian 'gimmick.'

CIA has confidentially advised that source of the above data is Hede
Massing, a resident of New York City known to the Bureau and CIA, and
CIA has no objection to this Bureau contacting her and advising that the
information furnished by her to the CIA had been furnished to the FBI.

Bureau files reveal Massing is a former Soviet agent who defected in
1938. She has been utilized by the CIA and has been a source of
information of the New York Office since 1947 concerning Soviet
espionage. By letter February 4, 1964, captioned 'Foreign Political Matters
-Cuba - IS - Cuba. New York' submitted information furnished by Massing
concerning JOHN MARTINO and Nathaniel and Sylvia Weyl, which
information was similar to that furnished by the CIA in the above-
mentioned memo; however, the data concerning OSWALD and RUBY
above apparently was not furnished to the New York Office by Massing.

MARTINO has previously been interviewed by Miami, at which time he
pretended greater knowledge of Cuban affairs than he actually possessed.

He also indicated various statements made concerning LEE HARVEY
OSWALD were based on information received from unidentified Cuban
aliens, and he no firsthand knowledge or information concerning
OSWALD. The unnamed individual in Miami referred to by Massing on
page 2 of CIA memo could possibly be MARTINO.

By airtel February 26, 1964, New York was instructed to immediately re-
interview Massing for all the information in her possession concerning the
OSWALD matter, specifically ascertain basis for all statements made by
her to the CIA and immediately set forth additional leads necessary to
definitely pin down these allegations. [FBI 105-82555-2464; Branigan to
Sullivan 2.27.64]

J. Edgar Hoover initiated and expedited this memorandum. S.A. James O'Conner had
received orders from J. Edgar Hoover:

With regard to the information furnished by MARTINO, Bureau desires
that MARTINO be pressed to force production of his source in order to pin
down this allegation. If he continues to be evasive and uncooperative on
this point, set forth results of recontact with him in LHM form suitable for
dissemination for President's Commission. Consideration with then be
given to suggesting MARTINO be subpoenaed before President's
Commission. [FBI 105-82555-33199 - page 2 w/h]

On March 13, 1964, S.A. O'Conner interviewed Nathaniel Weyl, who said he

...was not sure of the identity of his source, with respect to the information
that LEE HARVEY OSWALD had contacted the Cuban intelligence by
telephone from a private home in Miami. He said that his source for this
information may have been a newspaper article written by James
Buchanan. He recalled that Buchanan had quoted FRANK STURGIS,
described as an individual active in the Cuban situation at Miami, as
stating that STURGIS knew that OSWALD had made such a call from
Coral Gables, Florida, to the Cuban intelligence office in Miramar, Havana,
Cuba. Mr. Weyl said his source for this information may have been JOHN
MARTINO, who, in turn, may have obtained the information from either
BUCHANAN or STURGIS. ..With respect to the information that JACK
RUBY had made a trip to Havana, Cuba, to deal with an individual named
PRASKIN, Mr. Weyl stated he had been informed of this by an old friend,
Carlos Marquez Sterling, resident at Washington, D.C...Mr. Weyl said he
did believe that OSWALD had been in Miami, Florida, in the past, and it
was his recollection that Jim Buchanan, or possibly the latter's brother,
Jerry Buchanan, had told him that OSWALD had attempted to infiltrate
anti-Castro groups in Miami, but had been rejected by these groups
because he was uncommunicative as to his background. Mr. Weyl said
that it was probably Jim Buchanan who told him that his brother Jerry had
been involved in a scuffle with OSWALD in downtown Miami, and that
Jerry Buchanan had punched OSWALD. Mr. Weyl said this incident was
supposed to have occurred when OSWALD was observed distributing
some pro-Castro literature in Miami. ..He said he recalled that OSWALD
reportedly attempted to join the anti-Castro organizations known as the
Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil (DRE) (Cuban Student Revolutionary
Directorate), and Unidad Revolucionario (UR) (Revolutionary Unity). Mr.
Weyl said he had no corroborative information concerning the alleged stay
of OSWALD in Miami, other than the news articles by Jim Buchanan and
contact with Fernando Cabada, described as a leader of UR.

S.A. O'Conner interviewed Fernando Fernandez Cabada, who said he never furnished
information to the Weyls regarding OSWALD. On March 24, 1964, S.A. James
O'Conner re-interviewed MARTINO.

With respect to information that Cuban friends of MARTINO knew that
OSWALD had contacted the Cuban Intelligence Service in Cuba by
telephone from a private residence in Miami, Florida, MARTINO claimed
this was correct information. He refused to identify the source of such
information, claiming that to pinpoint the source could conceivably result in
harassment, if not more serious consequences, to the source or his family
in Cuba.

MARTINO stated the information concerning such an alleged telephone
call by OSWALD to Cuban intelligence did not originate with his friend,
Felipe Vidal Santiago, a Cuban exile active in anti-Castro activities. He
also stated the information had not originated with STURGIS, an American
citizen residing in Miami, who has been engaged in anti-Fidel Castro
activities, and who headed an organization called the Anti-Communist
International Brigade. Mr. MARTINO stated that the information in this
respect had not been received from James Buchanan, although he had
discussed the information with Buchanan. MARTINO stated he would
contact his confidential source as soon as the latter had returned from
Tampa, Florida, to Miami, expected to be March 22, 1964, and would seek
to obtain his consent to interview by the FBI.

With respect to the other alleged information that Cubans with whom
MARTINO might have contact had stated that JACK RUBY had gone to
Havana, Cuba, to engage in a shady deal with one (FNU) Praskin, who
was also alleged to work with Cuban communists and be tied up with call
girls in Cuba, MARTINO stated as follows:

This information came in the form of a letter from Cuba, which was shown
to MARTINO by a Cuban whom MARTINO said was named Jose Madero.
He said Madero, a man in his late 30's, had infiltrated back into Cuba as of
December 1963, and was thus no longer available. MARTINO said he had
known Madero when he was incarcerated in Cuba during the period July
1959 to October 1962. MARTINO said the letter was not directed to
Madero, but to another individual not known to MARTINO. He said he had
no idea where the letter might now be located. He said the letter related
that Praskin had a business on Sanja Street in Havana, and that he
supplied American girls to 'Girlie Shows' operated by Chinese in Havana.
He said the letter made no mention of the nature of the shady deal alleged
to occur between RUBY and Praskin, and did not indicate when RUBY
had gone to Havana or how he had traveled...

MARTINO stated this same source had informed him that OSWALD had
stayed in the home of a pro-Castro Cuban in Miami, Florida, and had paid
this pro-Castro Cuban the cost of a long distance telephone call made
from the home of the pro-Castro Cuban to Cuba. MARTINO further stated
that according to his source, the pro-Castro Cuban, after the assassination
had occurred, made the statement, 'I didn't think it would go this far.' in
referring to OSWALD.

MARTINO said that additional information to establish that OSWALD had
been in Miami was received was received by him from Jim Buchanan. He
said he used to give a lot of stories on the Cuban situation to Buchanan,
and during the days immediately following the assassination, Buchanan,
during a telephone call, told him that Buchanan's brother, Jerry Buchanan,
had a fistfight with LEE HARVEY OSWALD at Miami, Florida, about a year
prior to the assassination. According to MARTINO, OSWALD at that time
was attempting to get aboard a boat [Alexander Rorke's Violyn III] that
was being used by Jerry Buchanan and anti-Castro exiles in connection
with their anti-Castro plans. Mr. MARTINO told Jim Buchanan that he
intended to use this information in his speeches if it were true, and
Buchanan told him to go ahead and do so. Mr. MARTINO stated he never
used the information, however, because he considered it 'confidential to
the government' and he was 'Not fighting that battle.'

MARTINO also told S.A. O'Conner that OSWALD had secretly flown from the Yucatan

Peninsula in Mexico, to Cuba, and that his source had the name of the printer in Miami

OSWALD used to run-off his Fair Play for Cuba Committee leaflets, and even had a

copy of the check OSWALD used to pay the printer. The funds had been withdrawn

from the account of the Miami Chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee.

The FBI:

The only hearsay readily traceable to origin is alleged fight between
OSWALD and Jerry Buchanan at Miami about beginning of 1963.
MARTINO has in the past pretended greater knowledge of Cuban affairs
than he actually possessed, and has declined to divulge his sources.
Instructions previously furnished Miami to pin MARTINO down and
attempt to press to force production of his source. During interview on
March 26, 1964, Jerry Buchanan stated he was one of a group which
fought with members of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee distributing pro-
Castro literature, Bay Front Park, Miami, in October 1962. Following
assassination, he recognized OSWALD as having been one of the
members of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee which his group had fought.

Also stated OSWALD had been in Miami in March 1963, distributing pro-
Castro literature, and stated his brother, James Buchanan, a newspaper
reporter, has specific information concerning OSWALD'S being in Miami

during these periods. This should be pinned down and run out as above.

[NARA FBI 124-10035-10367]

When the FBI checked Jerry Buchanan's parole records, it found that he was released
from the Florida State Penitentiary on October 16, 1962, and was in Tampa, Florida,
during the period October 21, 1962, to October 30, 1962. FI EM MING told this
researcher:

Jerry Buchanan wasn't in the can. Fle's on the streets. Flow the fuck do
they know where he is? Fie might have been down rolling fags in the
Men's Room at Bay Front Park.

On April 7, 1964, S.A. James O'Conner questioned STURGIS again. STURGIS said he
had "quit the IACB because James Buchanan had called John Kennedy a Communist."
STURGIS denied hearing about a fight in Bayfront Park between OSWALD and
Buchanan. On April 27, 1963, after many visits from S.A. James O'Conner, MARTINO
told him that his source was coming to Miami for a meeting of Manuel Artime's group,
MRR. MARTINO agreed to approach him on behalf of the FBI. MARTINO was warned
that unless this matter was resolved, he would be called before the Warren
Commission. MARTINO'S response was: "What can they do, put me in jail?" The SAC
of the Miami Field Office stated:

As pointed out in referenced Miami teletype, Miami considers MARTINO
to be unreliable. It is further believed that MARTINO would probably
welcome a subpoena before the President's Commission, as it would add
to his stature, and furnish him additional notoriety on which to capitalize in
his lecture engagements which he gives on Communism and Cuba. It is
felt, however, he would be as equally evasive with the President's
Commission as he was with the Miami Office, and there is no evidence to
indicate he could furnish the Commission with anything but untraceable
hearsay and speculation. [FBI 105-82555-3995]

The FBI briefly considered having James Buchanan testify before the Warren
Commission. [FBI 105-82555-2993] S.A. James O'Conner conducted his final interview
with MARTINO on May 1 1 , 1964. MARTINO told him Cuban exile "Oscar Ortiz" was his
source for his information on OSWALD. S.A. James O'Conner had the Immigration and
Naturalization Service check its files for Oscar Ortiz; it found no such person. The
Immigration and Naturalization Service informed S.A. James O'Conner that MARTINO
had previously furnished it with erroneous information based on a nonexistent source.
STURGIS told S.A. James O'Conner that he personally "could not remember
OSWALD." In 1 975 STURGIS told this to Robert Olsen of the Rockefeller Commission:

Doesn't ever recall meeting OSWALD. Doesn't know of his (OSWALD)
ever coming to Miami. Had no part, direct or indirect, with assassination of
the President. Has made past investigation of Kennedy assassination.

Thinks there could have been conspiracy. ..Has been in Dallas several

times. Not at time of assassination. Never met Ruby. Feels it’s more than
just speculation. Lots of hatred vs. Kennedy among Cubans. Very good
probability that there was a conspiracy. Some kooks on Tel. have
something to say about Kennedy assassination. Radical left can't stand
idea that it was one of their own that shot Kennedy. CIA can't control
everybody connected with Agency. Could be a question about contract
agents. Warren Commission was put there to write the history as
government wanted it - not to tell the whole truth. Thinks there's lots of
evidence, yet, of conspiracy to be found in Miami. Never met any of the
Dallas Derelicts. Miami was hotter anti-Kennedy place than Dallas.
Cubans there were upper class and middle class. Stole their way to wealth
in Cuba and are now engaged in Cuban crime wave on East Coast. Now
have Cuban crime syndicate in U.S. This was the group recruited by
Company to overthrow Castro.

When S.A. James O'Conner asked STURGIS if he had another source linking OSWALD
to the G-2, STURGIS referred him to MARTINO. MARTINO'S source did not exist. On
another occasion, when STURGIS was asked for the name of his source, STURGIS
pointed to James Buchanan. When James Buchanan was asked for his source, he
pointed to STURGIS. These guys were the Tweed Gang of disinformation.

DRE DISINFORMATION

The second James Buchanan article in the Sun-Sentinel that linked OSWALD to Fidel
Castro also accused the FBI of preventing the DRE from distributing information that
would have supported James Buchanan's initial article. James Buchanan claimed that
certain members of the DRE knew of OSWALD'S visits to Miami, and knew of the
Bayfront Park incident. S.A. James O'Conner went to the Miami office of the DRE.
Everyone there had no knowledge of the FBI preventing the distribution of any of the
DRE's information on OSWALD, with the exception of DRE member Eduardo Diaz
Lanz, the brother of Pedro Diaz Lanz and Marcos Diaz Lanz, who said he vaguely
remembered the story. Eduardo Diaz Lanz had brought STURGIS to the DRE office
several times following November 22, 1963, and said he may have given him the
information during one of these visits. S.A. James O'Conner again questioned
STURGIS, who told him that Eduardo Diaz Lanz told him that the FBI prevented the
DRE from releasing proof of OSWALD'S G-2 connections. STURGIS told S.A. James
O'Conner that Jerry Buchanan had told him about OSWALD'S visit to Miami, about his
fight with OSWALD in Bayfront Park, and that OSWALD had tried to infiltrate the
International Anti-Communist Brigade.

SOLOMON PRATKINS

On December 21, 1963, the Miami FBI Field Office received information that one Hose
Antonio Juan had received a letter from his son living in Cuba wherein it was alleged
that RUBY had visited a Mr. Pranski in Havana in late 1962 or early 1963. On
December 24, 1963, the DRE released a letter from a woman in Havana which stated

RUBY had a meeting in 1963 with Solomon Pratkins, a G-2 agent who used a gift shop
for a front. The FBI reported: "The statement that RUBY visited Communist Cuba last
year, as attributed to a New Orleans Cuban exile, refers to one CARLOS BRINGUIER,
a New Orleans delegate to the DRE." [FBI Memo Rosen to Belmont 2.1 1 .64 44-24016-
1110, NR 3.9.64, NR 3.12.64] On December 24, 1963, the DRE affiliate in Cuba
published the Solomon Pratkins story in its underground mimeographed paper, Accion
Cubans, founded in May 1960. [FBI-109-609-6] This periodical was allegedly funded by
Fulgencio Batista. [CIA March 1, 1962 To: C/WHD from Chief of Station WAVE] The FBI
requested by memo dated January 7, 1964, that the CIA attempt to verify this rumor
through sources in Cuba.

On January 9, 1964, ANGLETON received this memo:

9 January 1 964 SAS 64-1 8
MEMORANDUM FOR: Chief Cl/Staff
James Angleton

SUBJECT Memo received from AMTOUT-1

Attached is a translation of a memo sent to Carlos Marquez Sterling.
Sterling gave a copy of the memo to AMTROUT-1, an SAS/EDE asset,
who passed it on to us. "The Brigadier of Giron, Sr. Evidio Pereira, who is
in constant communication with Cuba, informs the General Delegate of the
Movimiento Patriotic() Cuba Libre, ... news of great importance.

1. Notify the Pentagon of this fact: Ruby, the assassin of Oswald was in
Havana a year ago. He is a friend and customer of a citizen named
Praskin, owner or manager of a novelty shop for tourists located between
Animas y Trocadero, Paseo dui Prado, in front of the Hotel Sevilla.

This information, received in Miami, as noted at the beginning of this
memorandum, were received by Brigadier of Brigade 2506, Evidio Pereira,
who is ready to verify them. New York, 29 December 1 963.

Pereira is probably Evidio B. Pereira Acosta, DPOB 12 March 1927, Graf,

Carrilo, Las Villas, 201-298242, member of Brigade 2506. There are no
SAS traces on Praskin.

ANGLETON reported to the FBI on January 30, 1964, that an unevaluated and
unconfirmed report of a visit by RUBY to Cuba in late 1962, or early 1963, had been
received from Havana in the form of an article in Accion Cubans. [CSCI 3/779,814]
ANGLETON advised that the allegation could possibly be verified through one Pereira
Acosta who resided in Miami, Florida. [FBI 44-24016-1047] In March 1964, the CIA
reported that it's source who furnished lists of passengers flying from Mexico to Cuba
could not locate RUBY, Rubenstein, etc. [FBI 44-24016-1222] MARTINO also told the
FBI the Solomon Pratkins tale. On August 2, 1976, after STURGIS revived the Pratkins
tale in the media, the CIA commented:

The Agency reported to the FBI in CSCI 3/779, 814 on January 30, 1964,
that an unevaluated and unconfirmed report of a visit by Ruby to Cuba in
late 1962 or early 1963 had been received from Havana. This report was
actually based on a two page mimeographed newsletter entitled Accion'
which was mailed from Cuba in an envelope postmarked December 28,
1963, purportedly by an underground anti-Castro group. This newsletter,
received in Miami on January 13, 1964, by the anti-Castro group known as
the DRE, was widely circulated in the Cuban exile community and was the
subject of a newspaper article in the January 29, 1964, edition of the
Miami News under the headline 'Ruby Visited Cuba - Exiles Say.' R. Wall
DC/CI/OG.

THE DRE IN MADRID

On December 3, 1963, the CIA reported that on:

1. November 27, 1963, the CIA Station, Madrid, received the following
information from Source Two: On the morning of November 22, 1963,
Amparo Godinez, the owner of the Marquesa De Cuba bar located in
Madrid, overheard former Cuban journalist Baston Baquero tell Rosendo
Canto Hernandez, editor of Accion Cubana, that he had received a letter
stating Kennedy would be killed that day.

2. Source Two received information on November 26, 1963, from Maria
Manuela de Canal whose address is Plaza Del Nino Jesus No. 6, 2nd
floor, Apt. D, Madrid. Maria Manuela de Canal is a close friend of Amparo
Godinez. Source Two en route JMWAVE area from Madrid and unable
learn further details of alleged conversation.

3. Since AMWORLD program requires that any contact between (illegible)
and ODYOKE not be revealed in any follow up on this information, Madrid
Station may wish to center inquiries on Baston Baquero via liaison with
local service.

4. Have not passed above to 30FGA Miami.

On December 5, 1963, C/WH 3 cabled the CIA Station in Madrid:

1. Please follow up this case. Suggest you have Source 3 question
persons mentioned to see if any foundation at all to this story. Imperative
that Source 1 [Baston Baquero] not be revealed as source (deleted).

2. Please slug all traffic on assassination. [CIA 321-123]

SECRET 051645Z

WAVE INFO DIR CITE MADR 9854

RYBAT TYPIC (Deleted) 8ITE AMWORLD]

REF WAVE 8447 (IN 72832) **

1. Cuban journalist line 3 para 1 ref is Baston Baquero (deleted). Staff
Officer GROWERY saw him on November 26, 1963, when President's
death was naturally discussed. At no time did Baston Baquero give any
indication he had any advance word or rumor that GPIDEAL would be
killed. If he had received letter reported para 1 or any other information
concerning killing, however, will query him directly.

2. No index.

C/S COMMENT: DISSEMINATION APPLICABLE TO RYBAT GRFLOOR
CABLES.

**On morning of November 22., owner of bar “Marquesa de Cuba” in
Madrid overheard former Cuban journalist tell one Canto that he had
received a letter stating GPIDEAL (3) would be killed that day.

On December 7, 1963, the CIA Station in Madrid sent this cable to C/WH
4:

1. Source 1, [Baston Baquero] questioned by Source Two on the night of
December 6, 1963. Baston Baquero said "he and Rosendo Canto
Hernandez, Alberto Salas Amaro, and Jose Chelala Lopez after attending
lecture together at Syndical Palace, Madrid, entered bar 'Marquesa De
Cuba' at about 8:00 p.m. on the night of November 22, 1963. They were
told by bartender, who was alone at the time, that President Kennedy had
been assassinated. Salas Amaro called his wife who confirmed this, and
group went to UPI office nearby to read the ticker. They later returned to
bar to have drinks and then the group broke up.

2. Baston Baquero said Amparo Godinez was in the bar when group
returned, but refused his invitation to drink and left almost immediately.
This was the only time Baston Baquero saw Amparo Godinez during that
day. He did not see him on the morning of November 22, 1 963.

3. Baston Baquero said he received no word, verbal or written or even
rumor that President Kennedy would be killed and any allegation that he
made any statement to this effect at any time to anyone is completely
absurd and absolutely untrue.

4. Baston Baquero added that Rosendo Canto Hernandez, editor of
Accion Cubans who is a well-known American hater, was the only person
in the bar to express satisfaction at Kennedy's death. [CIA 345-139, 315-
1 1 9, 277-1 05; Allen v. DOD CIA 1 21 29]

CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT'S DISINFORMATION

In mid-January 1964 STURGIS and James Buchanan flew to Panama and Costa Rica
and investigated setting up a training base. The FBI had pressured The Sun-Sentinel
into firing James Buchanan, to insure that no more of his "OSWALD in Miami" stories
appeared. A FBI document dated February 5, 1964, concerning Orlando Bosch read:

Synopsis: FRANK FIORINI, admitted associate of William Johnson,
denied implication in or any specific knowledge of attempted MIRR air raid
December 28, 1963. Dr. Orlando Bosch gave statement to press claiming
that bombs would have been dropped on crowds in Havana celebrating
5th anniversary of the revolution on January 2, 1964, had not boat been
seized carrying bombs to secret base in the Caribbean. MM T-1 has
advised that Bosch gave this distorted statement to the press for
propaganda purposes as MIRR intended only to bomb (deleted) Cuba.

MM-T1 also advised that Bosch is presently attempting to raise more
money to carry out further bombing raid against Cuba."

The FBI interviewed FRANK:

FIORINI is a personal friend of WILLIAM JOHNSON. About two weeks
ago Fiorini was with JOHNSON at Broward International Airport.
JOHNSON introduced FIORINI to Charles Bush, who operates an airline
charter business at that airport. This was the first and last contact FIORINI
had with Bush. After this introduction, JOHNSON went with Bush to the
latter’s office at the airport, and FIORINI went to a nearby restaurant
where he chanced upon Antonio Sansone, a Cuban exile pilot. FIORINI
said that he did not know the nature of JOHNSON’S business with Bush.

He denied specific knowledge of JOHNSON being involved in an air raid
attempt in cooperation with ORLANDO BOSCH. He states however, that
he knew JOHNSON was “up to something” but he did not know what.

On April 28, 1964, S.A. James O'Conner interviewed James Buchanan, who was
employed by Caribbean Press Service, a subsidiary of the Agenda De Informaciones
Periodisticas (AIP), a CIA front exposed by The Miami Herald. James Buchanan said
that he knew the name of OSWALD'S printer in Miami, but he was sworn to secrecy.
STURGIS associate Victor Paneque supplied S.A. James O'Conner with a story that
linked OSWALD to a G-2 agent named Fernandez. The FBI documents about this
interview listed S.A. James O'Conner as Miami SAC. Richard Davis played a part in the
imaginary scenario of Victor Paneque. The CIA reported:

DDP relationship: A POA for PANEQUE's use was granted the Miami
Station on November 13 1964. The Miami request had stated that he was
to be used "as an infiltree and radio operator. A report of August 10, 1964
stated that he had been infiltrated into Cuba in June 1964 on behalf of the
Christian Democratic Movement. Whether he was used operationally is

not stated in PANEQUE's 201. He was terminated effective October 31,
1965 for lack of an immediate operational use.

On February 25, 1964, Cyril B. Hamblett, Rear Admiral, U.S. Navy retired told the FBI
that

Interview for all pertinent information concerning MDC plans to drop
magnetic mines on Cuban ports and attack ...

While in Miami during the week of January 13, 1964 Hamblett was
contacted on three occasions by Jose Ignacio Rasco who reportedly
seeking assistance, guidance and financial help in connected with the
proposed dropping of magnetic mines in five Cuban ports. Rasco and his
group, the Christian Democratic Movement (MDC) are also reportedly
interesting in effecting an operation wherein one plane would bomb
Guantanamo Naval Base; the plane would be imputed to Castro forces,
thereby creating an immediate anti-Castro movement in the United
States... Hamblett also stated that Jose Ignacio Rasco had told him that
the CIA had approached the Christian Democratic Movement to offer
assistance to Christian Democratic Movement group which is in some
Central American country. Hamblett had already furnished this information
to Naval Intelligence Unit DIO-3ND. FBI Bufiles indicated Hamblett was
Subject of an Interstate Transportation of Stolen Property investigation in
1 957 in which prosecution was declined. [FBI 97-41 1 0-1 02]

A highly deleted document dated April 8, 1964 stated Rosco "told Hamblett that the CIA
agent's name was (Deleted as of 2010) who made this offer, but nothing has ever
materialized. For info of Bureau Captain John F. Brownlee is Chief of DIO 3ND 90
Church Street, NYC." [FBI FOIA/PA #211,326] On March 4, 1964, the FBI disseminated
a lengthy Letter Head Memorandum about the Christian Democratic Movement:

Batista said naturally he has some opposition in the organization. Some
people consider him as being at odds with U. S. Government policy.

Batista said it was his opinion that the United States political aims and
foreign policy does not coincide with that of the Cuban exiles. To work with
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), is to work for the U. S. aims and
goals, which are not necessarily the aims and goals of Cuba for Cuban
exiles.

According to Batista, there is no mutual field of interest between the
United States Government and Cuban exiles. For the U. S. Government to
overthrow the present government of Cuba, is to resolve a United States
problem, not a Cuban problem. If Cuban exiles would overthrow the
present government of Cuba, there would still be many U. S. Government
problems not resolved. Batista said he had in the past visited Washington,

D. C., and conferred with U. S. Government officials in an effort to

establish a mutual field of interest where Cuban exiles and the U. S.
Government could work for mutual benefit, without success. Batista
charged that while the U. S. Government complains there is no unity
among Cuban exiles, he believes the United States actually does not want
unity. He alleged that during 1960, when the Frente Revolucionario
Democrato existed, and later became the Cuban Revolutionary Council
(CRC), a unity organization, the CIA still worked against unity of Cuban
exile groups. He said CIA did not work for unity within the CRC, but dealt
with each individual organization on different terms. CIA refused to work
with the leaders of the CRC as representatives of the several
organizations. He alleged the policy has persisted to the present time.

Batista stated that military operations from the United States against Cuba
would probably be continued by himself and other members of the
Christian Democratic Movement. They prefer to work in Miami, Florida,
area, because of its closeness to Cuba, good facilities for operating boats,
availability of the large number of Cubans to serves as mechanics, and to
do other necessary labor. [FBI 97-4110-86]

On April 7, 1964, STURGIS was interviewed by the FBI "in connection with another
matter." [FBI 2-1499-129 pages withheld] On April 21, 1964, U.S. Customs Agents
raided the Headquarters of the Christian Democratic Movement and arrested the leader
of the Christian Democratic Movement, Laureano Batista Falla. On April 27, 1964, the
FBI generated a document about the Christian Democratic Movement and the DRE that
was deleted except for the words "U.S. Customs.” [FBI 41 1 0-1 04 (?) 4.27.64]

INTERNATIONAL ANTI-COMMUNIST BRIGADE OPERATIONS
STURGIS SUSPECTED CIS AGENT: MAY 1964

In 1964 an Index Card was generated by the CIA concerning STURGIS which read in
part "Ref DBA-82236 September 2, 1964, FIORINI, FRANK; FIORINI, FRED; FRANK,
ATTILE; CAMBELL, FRANK; ATTILA, FRANK; BONELLI, FRANK. Suspected Cuban
Intelligence Service Agent. Manager of Courteous Motors, Miami, May 1964." [Corr
Card. #UFG 2194120] In a deposition related to STURGIS' lawsuit against the New
York Police Department he said that in the 1960's he used the name Bonelli "in an
operation in Central America. It was an operation to do, the operation specifically was to
make commando raids against Cuban companies." [USDC SDNY 78 Civ.5113] The
results of the FBI investigation of STURGIS during the period of December 10, 1963, to
May 1 3, 1 964, were deleted except for these paragraphs:

Information set forth in this report reflecting interview of Subject (FRANK
STURGIS) by S.A. James J. O'Conner is contained in an FD-320 located
in Miami 105-8342, Bufile 105-82555, captioned 'LEE HARVEY OSWALD,

AKA; IS-R-CUBA.' (Deleted as of 2010) Miami is not recommending the
opening of any cases based on (deleted as of 2010) communication. For
the information of the Bureau, on May 11, 1964, Wallace Shanley
Assistant Supervising Customs Agent, Miami, Florida, advised S.A.

Leman L. Stafford Jr that he had conversed with the Subject on frequent
occasions over the past few months. He stated subject has furnished him
very little valuable information in the recent past and felt at this time any
active investigation conducted by the Miami Office would not jeopardize
the relationship between the subject and Customs. Shanley added that he
is not utilizing Subject as source anymore, though Subject does contact
him infrequently. The extensive period of this investigation was
necessitated by various expeditious technical matters assigned to
reporting agent. (Deleted - names of informants)." [FBI 2-1499-129]

STURGIS AND AMERICA'S AIR DEFENSE: MAY 1964

The May 26, 1964, issue of the Pompano Beach Sun-Sentinel contained an article
captioned "I Flew Mercy Mission to Cuban Guerillas." The source for this article was
"Manuel Fernandez" who claimed to be a member of the 30th of November Movement
and the International Anti-Communist Brigade. The article stated that a twin-engine
aircraft took off from a South Florida airstrip shortly after midnight, Monday morning,
May 25, 1964, carrying cargo of food, equipment, one hundred and fifty thousand
propaganda leaflets and a complete field hospital. Three persons were allegedly on the
plane which flew a supply mission to 30th of November forces fighting guerrilla war in
Eastern Cuba. On May 25, 1964, the International Anti-Communist Brigade announced
it had conducted a bombing raid over Cuba. The next day several Congressmen
inquired how the International Anti-Communist Brigade team eluded the air defenses of
the United States on its return. The FBI reported:

On May 27, 1964, Elmo Rainbolt, Chief Patrol Inspector, U.S. Border
Patrol, advised he received a telephone call from Paul Rogers, member
U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C., on morning May 27,

1964, in which Rogers stated following: Rogers had received information
that an aircraft had asked for, and been given, a checkout inspection by
United States Border Patrol on May 25, 1964, at Fort Lauderdale
International Airport. A twin engine Beechcraft then allegedly departed at
12:30 a.m. that date from Tamiami airport, Miami, as a substitute for the
inspected plane. It allegedly returned, undetected by radar, to the Tamiami
Airport at 4:15 a.m. May 25, 1964. Rainbolt said his investigation had
revealed no inspection or flight plans were filed during that period, and
there was no report on radar of any unknown penetration of the air
defense identification zone. ..On May 27, 1964, Arthur Eno, head of the
FAA Miami advised he has been unable to develop any information
concerning the flight as alleged by Representative Rogers. [FBI Miami 2-
1499 NR 180 6.15.64]

On May 26, 1964, the Pentagon told a House Committee that investigations by four
government agencies showed that a reported flight on May 25, 1964, by members of
the International Anti-Communist Brigade to Cuba, did not take place, and was a
concocted publicity story. The Defense Department issued a press release which stated

that the raid never occurred. [FBI 2-1499-131, 132] The Associated Press reported that
the U.S. Defense Department had the statement of STURGIS in which he said: "To the
best of my knowledge a raid on Cuba on May 25, 1964, did not take place. I declare
that U.S. radar defenses were not violated while leaving or entering the U.S." On June
3, 1964, United States Customs, Miami, advised the FBI that FIORINI denied any
connection with alleged flight. A CIA representative told the FBI (Deleted). [FBI 2-1499
NR 6.4.64 p.2] Gaeton Fonzi reported that on May 27, 1964:

Priority telegram regarding alleged air drop into Cuba: FYI Colonel Sam
Kail received a call from General Maxwell Taylor's office on May 26, 1964,
referring to an article in the Pompano Beach Sun Sentinel regarding
reported air drop over Cuba. ..The story reported that the International
Anti-Communist Brigade, and the 30th of November Movement,
collaborated on the flight. Allegedly FRANK STURGIS, Craig Sheldon and
James Buchanan were involved.

On May 28, 1964, the FBI in Miami generated a document about STURGIS and the
30th of November Movement: "For information of the Bureau, U.S. Customs Agency,
Miami, is presently endeavoring to locate and interview (Deleted) concerning the 30th of
November Organization's participation in the alleged flight on May 25, 1964, over
Cuba." This highly deleted report indicated that a copy of this document was filed in
STURGIS' file. [FBI 12-1499 NR 6.15.64] Circa May 30, 1964, the CIA received a cable
about James Buchanan:

1 . Miami Herald May 27, 1962 carries front page item by James Buchanan
entitled, “Miro Fades As Exile Chief: Three Latin Leaders Behind Ray.”

Article flatly states Miro and council have been replaced by Manuel Ray
with backing Gov Nunoz Marin, Pres. Romulo Betancourt and former
President Jose Figueras, that Ray has taken over post with “blessing of
the United States.” Further article states, “From variety sources Herald
learned that Miro was notified of change only this week” and that Ray’s
reappointment as “Chief in Exile” came from “underground in Cuba”
according to Joaquin Godoy, provisional MRP head in Miami. After
furnishing resume Cuban activities since origin of AMBUD, article credits
Cubans in Miami as saying “the new man in the field” is Adolf. A. Berle, Jr.
who has been special assistant to State Department and is also “member
of President Kennedy’s special task force on Latin America.” Implication
being that Berle is running new United States sponsored Cuban effort.

2. This release causing some furor in local Cuban colony to extent at least
one OPS Agent destined for isolation training has asked to be relieved if
the (illegible) story. Meanwhile WAVE checks with knowledgeable
contacts has produced little other than William S. Wibalda’s statement that
Buchanan journalistic reputation indicates he is inaccurate and
sensationalist. AMCLATTER-1 and PASSOVOY attempting to discretly
trace Buchanan source for “U.S. blessing.”

3. Buchanan has previously attacked Miro during the return of Playa Giron
prisoners Miami. Have no real insight info significance these attacks but
believe they could reflect Buchanan or Miami Herald attempts to force
changes in United States posture re: Cuba.

4. Expect article will have further repercussions as it spreads. Wish alert
HQS that it may be necessary initiate action discredit Buchanan story as
well as reassure Miro. Will forward suggestions this regard after we have
opportunity to further asses story’s impact. Andrew K. Reuteman

In June 1964, the FBI received information from its New Orleans office that the Christian
Democratic Movement planned to bomb Havana's oil refineries. [Airtel To SAC NO
From Hoover (97-4110-114) mailed 6.17.64] On July 14, 1964, STURGIS furnished the
CIA with information on a raid planned by Orlando Bosch. On July 16, 1964, another
Letter Head Memorandum about the FBI Christian Democratic Movement was
generated.

Re: MOVIMIENTO DEMOCRATA CRISTIANO

(CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT, INTERNAL SECURITY, NEUTRALITY
MATTERS)

MM T-1 who has been involved in Cuban revolutionary activities for the
past six years on July 7, 1 964 furnished the following information.

Laureano Batista Falla continues to be the Military Chief of the Christian
Democratic Movement maintaining headquarters at 1732 NW 7 th Street,

Miami, Florida. On April 21, 1964, representatives of the Dade County
Sheriffs Office and the United States Customs Service raided Christian
Democratic Movement headquarters, confiscated a large amount of arms
and ammunition, and arrested Batista. Later Batista established the
military headquarters at 837 Southwest 29 th Ave. The MDC continued to
maintain its organization office at 1732 Northwest Seventh Street, Miami.

Batista established the military headquarters on 29 th Avenue to have a
point where arms and ammunition could be stored and which members of
the military section could use to plan infiltration and attack missions
against Cuba. Batista left Miami Florida with several people and two boats
on about July 3, 1964. He has been in periodic contact with the second in
command of his military action group, Angel Vega. On July 5, 1964 Batista
returned to Miami, Florida, and visited with Vega at military headquarters.

He said he had just returned from three infiltration operations into Cuba
and was accompanied by Victor Paneque, also known as Commandant
Diego. Batista indicated he had returned to Miami for the purpose of trying
to obtain additional arms and ammunition and military equipment for some
of his men who are presently outside the United States, not in Cuba, but
who are believed to be somewhere in the Bahamas. Batista stated the

purpose of his trips to Cuba was to infiltrate equipment and some men.

The two groups which he now has in Cuba will eventually form guerilla
bands. At the present time these two groups are living quietly with their
relative in Cuba. They are waiting the time when Batista can supply them
with adequate arms and ammunition, at which time they will form guerilla
bands and go into the mountains. [FBI 97-41 1 0-1 23 page 3 w/h]

The Christian Democratic Movement was still active from 1965 to 1968. On October 30,

1964, the FBI generated this LHM:

On August 9, 1964 Batista stated he wanted to leave the following day to
visit his military training camp outside the United States. Batista stated he
planned to meet an unidentified person in the parking lot of an unidentified
supermarket in Miami during the night hours, to receive some home-made
bombs, which previously belonged to Frank Sturgis an American
mercenary and adventurer living in Miami Florida... During the middle of
August 1964 Batista was studying a number of detail maps of Cuba. Some
of these maps bear the stamp “For Official Use Only.” These maps were
obtained by Batista from Robert K. Brown, an American adventurer, part
time writer, former University of Colorado student and U.S. Army Reserve
Captain. These maps appear to be classified and are the regular military
maps used by the United States Army ... Patria is a Spanish language
paper published weekly in Miami, Florida. On September 11, 1964, Patria
contained an article stating that the MDC issued a lengthy document
accusing American agencies of being led by Cuban exile movements that
are split up and divided. The MDC claimed the United States Government
artificially creates leaders for the Cuban exile movements, persecutes
independent Cuban exile organizations, and interferes in Cuban exile
affairs. The MDC uses the term “check eaters” to refer to those person or
organizations which have received financial aid or backing from the U.S.
Government. [FBI 97-41 10-132]

In 1968 the FBI conducted a Secret study of Laureano Batista Falla, the Christian

Democratic Movement and the Dominican Republic. [FBI 97-4623-180 2.27.68]

Laureano Batista Falla died of cancer in 1992 at age 56.

STURGIS: 1965 TO 1967

On February 3, 1965, Bill Johnson arranged an air strike against Cuba for Orlando

Bosch's MIRR. Jack Brooks Wright crashed in Freeport after similar raid on January 17,

1965. In January 2004 I received this email:

In Nodule 19, you mention a pilot killed in the Freeport by the name of
Jack Brooks Wright who worked for the anti-communist organization. I am
his son. For the record, the twin-engine Beechcraft flying under the radar
mentioned in the paragraphs prior (the May 25th raid) was more than

likely my father's plane (A twin Beech Bonanza). I have heard about my
father's trips into Cuba under the radar for years from my Mother and all
about the man from the anti-communist organization who was stealing
from the Cubans. I have always suspected that my father's crash was not
an accident, but after reading the accounts and knowing what else I know
from my mother and the event around the time of his death, my suspicions
now seem real. He refused to fly for the organization again and
coincidently crashed several days later February 2, 1965. The day before
someone else flew the raid (February 3rd, 1965). My father also flew into
Mexico several times around the time of the Ruby flight and knew the
Cuban route well. I was really shaken up by the article. I found it by typing
in "Jack Brooks Wright" pilot and when shocked when your site appeared.

I am going to do some more research into my father's crash. If you know
anything else, I would appreciate it.

With Respect,

Wesley Brooks Wright

In 1966 STURGIS was employed at the Gulfstream Park Race Track as a bartender,
and had been fingerprinted in conjunction with this employment on March 12, 1966. [FBI
139-4089-1435] In April 1967, STURGIS was involved in a plan to blow up a Cuban
ship in a Mexican seaport. Ronnie Sturgis told the FBI: "I was present when explosives
and detonators were hidden in the body of my father's car at a Miami garage. Orlando
Bosch was there. The car would be placed on a ship at Vera Cruz. It was an anti-Castro
action." On June 28, 1967, STURGIS was mentioned in "FBI File #45-1102, Subject:
Unknown; Attempt to Bomb Freight Boat Oro Verde of Nassau Bahamas Registry, Pier
Three, Miami, Florida, October 18, 1966." On September 25, 1967, the Miami News
contained an article captioned "Exile Ransom Try Seeks Swiss Aid." This article
indicated that STURGIS' organization, International Anti-Communist Brigade, was
endeavoring to arrange ransom of 500 Cuban political prisoners in exchange for five
million dollars worth of medicines and foodstuffs. Geraldine Shamma joined STURGIS
in attempting to carry out the ransom plan.

Mrs. Shamma stated the committee is comprised of six Cuban woman and
herself, each of whom were former Cuban prisoners in Cuba and an
"American anti-Castro adventurer" FRANK FIORINI. The article related
Shamma announced the ransom had allegedly been pledged by several
anti-communist Latin American "businessmen, politicians and military
men", whose names were being withheld by the committee. Alter stated if
a favorable reply from Fidel Castro should be relayed by the
Czechoslovakian embassy, ne then "would consider" travelling to Cuba to
start negotiations.

On December 7, 1967, Mr. Henry Taylor, Office of the Coordinator of
Cuban Affairs, United States Department of State, advised that the
International Anti-Communist Brigade had alleged 15 million dollars was

available for use in obtaining the release of Cuban political prisoners.
Reportedly, Shamma has been in contact with the Czechoslovakian
Embassy in Washington, and allegedly obtained permission from the
Cuban Government to enter and leave Cuba. Mr. Taylor stated Shamma
had not been in contact with his office since their first meeting several
months previously. On December 8, 1967, Shamma declared to Replica
that she would go to Cuba to negotiate the freedom of political prisoners.
According to an article which appeared in this publication on December 4,

1967, Shamma was quoted as saying she was 'prepared for any
eventuality.'. ..This article also reflected she had exhibited to a reporter of
Replica a photostatic copy of an answer from the Czechoslovakian
Embassy, Washington, D.C. stating the Cuban Government was studying
her request. Shamma added she was ready to go to Cuba and personally
talk with Fidel Castro, if that were possible, in order to help rescue the
Cuban political prisoners. Benjamin Alter [IACB legal advisor] indicated
the two principal members of the IACB connected with this activity were
Geraldine Shamma and FRANK FIORINI. They reportedly had financial
supporters from 12 different Latin American countries however, their
identities were not disclosed. [FBI 105-172694-2p]

In 1968 STURGIS met with SANTO TRAFFICANTE. He told the HSCA: "I met him once
in a Miami restaurant in 1968." In July 1968 FIORINI formulated OPERATION SWORD.
The FBI reported:

During June 1968, information was received from various persons in the
Miami area that STURGIS was attempting to organize a mercenary force
to fight in Cuba. STURGIS solicited volunteers for this force through
advertisements placed in South Florida newspapers. Several persons
answered the ads were interviewed and verified that they had been
offered varying amounts of money to become part of STURGIS'
mercenary force organized to fight Castro forces in Cuba. (Deleted)

STURGIS associate Ray Sandstrom placed a newspaper ad for adventurers. STURGIS
stated: "I believe Ray flew for the CIA in Broward, Fort Lauderdale. Yeah, I received
information that Ray was working for the CIA." Max Gonzalez, a close associate of
STURGIS, screened the applicants. Out of 60 applicants 11 were chosen. The men
were to meet in Guadalajara, Mexico, however, when they arrived, they found that the
hotel they were supposed to stay at had been torn down. After two weeks of training in
the mud, they went to Progresso, Mexico. In October 1968, a boat load of mercenaries
commanded by STURGIS left Progresso and headed toward Cuba, but ran aground off
the coast of Belize, British Honduras. The FBI reported:

On October 23, 1968, and October 24, 1968, STURGIS and 12 other
individuals were arrested by British Honduras authorities on charges of
illegal entry. Various weapons, ammunitions and supplies were
confiscated from the group at the time of arrest. FIORINI and his group

reportedly had hijacked a 24-foot yacht, Amigo, in order to transport
themselves and their supplies to a remote island off British Honduras. All
participants interviewed at Miami, and most admitted knowledge of
participating in a military operation against Cuba. At the time of interview
FIORINI indicated Col. Francisco Quesada, and at least 25 other Cuban
exiles participating in the plan were to rendezvous with the Amigo, but that
the rendezvous had failed when the Amigo ran aground through the
incompetency of its captain. It was through this accident that the boat was
forced into the port of Belize, British Honduras, for repairs and re-fueling.

No charges were lodged against FIORINI and his group by the U.S. as a
result of this incident. [FBI 139-4089-394]

On October 26, 1968, the Domestic Intelligence Division of the FBI prepared a "TREAT
AS YELLOW" URGENT cable about STURGIS, much of which was withheld:

Previous data indicated FRANK FIORINI, long-time anti-Castroite and
head of anti-Castro International Anti-Communist Brigade claimed his
group would assist Guatemalan Government in cleaning out communist
guerillas in exchange for Guatemalan assistance in invasion of Cuba.
FIORINI and some 12 men reportedly recently departed Florida for
Mexico. Department October 17, 1968, advised activities of group
constitute possible violation of neutrality statutes and we are investigating.

On October 24, 1968 US Consul, Merida, Mexico, advised group observed
boarding vessel in Mexico and alerted authorities in Guatemala and British
Honduras.

Attached data indicates our Consul in Belize, British Honduras, has
advised the arrest Fiorini and group. Fiorini claimed group planned landing
in Cuba. Attached data was furnished to by teletype to State, CIA and
military intelligence agencies [Department of the Army, Air Force and to
the Defense Intelligence Agency]. State was requested to furnish
background data to Consul in Belize. Data is also being furnished to
Internal Security Division, Customs, and Miami Office. [FBI 105-172964-
19 ]

STURGIS told the US Counsel that the plan of the group was to land south side of Cuba
and enter mountains. “Charles Connelle was identified as Jerry Buchanan. Governor,
British Honduras appears inclined turn all over to Mexican Government. Fiorini admitted
coercion of Mexican Captain who was handcuffed at one point during trip. Fiorini
desires return to US and requested lawyer Ray Sandstrom and Senator Smathers be
advised.” The FBI had checked on STURGIS with its representative in Mexico City. The
representative cabled "brief, descriptive data on the International Anti-Communist
Brigade" to the U.S. Consul in Belize. [FBI 105-172694-37] The FBI noted the departure
of STURGIS from Belize aboard TACA Airlines on October 31, 1968. [FBI 105-172694-
30, 31 FBI 1 05-1 72694-29 - 35 NARA Record Number: 1 24-10302-1 01 52]

THE NATURE OF THE MISSION

Was STURGIS involved in an attempt to hijack a Soviet freighter and ransom it for the
U.S. spy ship Pueblo and its crew? STURGIS told Paul Meskil:

The men were told it was to be a commando raid into Cuba to free political
prisoners from Castro's concentration camps.' To lend credence to his
story, STURGIS displayed a map showing the locations of Cuban prisons
and prison camps. He also had a list of prisoners who supposedly were to
be freed. None of the men, not even Gonzalez, were told of the real
objective. 'This operation was planned months in advance. The CIA in
Miami was aware of it. So were several other federal agencies, including
the FBI and Customs. The objective was not to raid Cuba, but to
rendezvous with another ship off the coast of Mexico and, with the
assistance of this ship, seize a Russian vessel. We were to meet a Cuban
vessel. I assume it was a naval vessel, commanded by Cuban navy
officers who were disenchanted with Castro. The orders for completing the
operation were aboard the Cuban ship. The captain also had a sailing
schedule listing arrivals and departures of all Soviet and Communist bloc
vessels in the Caribbean and the Gulf of Mexico. We hoped to grab a
Soviet fishing trawler that was actually a spy ship. This ship was to be
intercepted by the Cuban vessel. The captain of the Soviet ship probably
would not be suspicious of a boarding party wearing Cuban Navy
uniforms. We would then capture the ship. We were to take it off the coast
of Venezuela. The orders were not to go into any port, but to stay off the
coast. Certain officials in the Venezuelan Government were aware of the
plan. They would participate in negotiations for the release of the captive
ship and crew. A statement would be issued to the effect that we wanted
to exchange the ship and crew for certain political prisoners in Cuba. But
this was a ruse. Then we would go into the second phase of the operation
- to dicker with the Russians and the North Koreans for the release of the
U.S.S. Pueblo, its captain and crew, who were still in confinement at this
time.'

The FBI reported:

STURGIS had plans to lead his army to a rendezvous in the mountains of
Mexico and from there proceed to Guatemala. STURGIS claimed the
Guatemalan Government would be assisted by his organization in
cleaning out Communist guerillas from the hills of Guatemala. When this
accomplished, Guatemalan Government supposedly had promised to
assist STURGIS in a planned invasion of Cuba.

Max Gonzalez claimed OPERATION SWORD was a mission to assassinate Fidel
Castro. On July 25, 1975, an unidentified component of the CIA prepared this
Memorandum for the Record on Max Gonzalez (No Security File):

One Max Gorman Gonzalez, who may be identical with the name of
interest, circa early June 1975 stated publicly that he planned to sue the
CIA for involving him in what he charged was a plot headed by Watergate
burglar FRANK STURGIS to assassinate Fidel in 1968. Apparently Max
Gorman Gonzalez is basing his suit on recent claims of FRANK STURGIS
that he, STURGIS, has been a long time CIA employee. STURGIS' claim
of CIA employment is not supported by security records. Gonzalez claims
that he was used unwittingly, without his consent or knowledge, by the
CIA. Gonzalez claimed use by this Agency vis STURGIS apparently
involves the arrest in October 1968 of STURGIS, GONZALEZ and several
other individuals connected with STURGIS' International Anti-Communist
Brigade while they were attempting to invade Cuba in contravention of the
Neutrality Act.

In November 1968 the FBI questioned Max Gonzalez (born December 29, 1929; aka
Max Gorman) about this aborted operation. He told them: "It was a CIA operation.
STURGIS was a CIA agent at the time, although his employment was not supported by
Security records, and may still not be. He was in contact with other CIA agents in
Guadalajara and Mexico City. STURGIS never told me what our real mission was, but I
knew it was important to the Agency." The FBI generated a message about the
International Anti-Communist Brigade dated October 26, 1968. [CIA FOIA F81-0351
D0532] Due to Senator George Smathers pulling some strings, no federal indictments
were sought against STURGIS or his group, however Max Gonzalez was arrested on a
outstanding warrant for bad checks. [FBI 105-172694-34] The FBI questioned Max
Gonzalez at Miami International Airport:

He has been involved actively in the IACB for about four years. He that, to
his knowledge, FIORINI is the only IACB leader, although he feels for the
operation which ended abortively at Belize, British Honduras, FIORINI
must have been working with some other group of persons outside the
IACB as FIORINI does not have the finances or organizational ability to
mount such an operation. Upon reflection, however, he conceded that the
cash outlay for this venture had been minimal in that the men were not
paid for their services, furnished their own transportation, and, for the most
part, their own food, lodging and equipment. He also indicated on
reflection that the organizational work for the operation had actually been
very slipshod and amateurish.

He said that any indication by FIORINI that the true leader of the
expedition was a Colonel Francisco Quesada would be, in his opinion, a
falsehood. He said he believes Colonel Quesada does not exist, but is a
fictitious scapegoat upon whom FIORINI would place responsibility for this
operation in the event it misfired. In support of this, he read from a leaflet
concerning Quesada which had been furnished several months ago by
FIORINI to those persons who had answered a newspaper ad calling for
volunteers to fight Communism in Latin America. This leaflet described

Quesada as a Latin, born in Argentina, who had seen action in four wars,
had served in all branches of the services, was a pilot, and an expert in
conventional, guerilla, and counter-guerilla warfare. Quesada was further
described in the leaflet as the "prime organizer of the underground in Latin
America. A price of $100,000 has been placed on his head by a
communist government which sent agents to kill him and his associates.
He has been captured and tortured by two foreign armies. ..At the present
time he is traveling throughout Central and South America and is raising
funds to form a mercenary army to fight the communists throughout the
Americas..." He said that based on these similarities in the backgrounds of
FIORINI and Quesada whom, to his knowledge, no one but FIORINI has
ever seen, he feels that Colonel Francisco Quesada is a fictitious and
idealized FRANK FIORINI.

He said that the IACB plan before leaving Miami was to train in Guatemala
for approximately six weeks, then to proceed by boat to Cuba on
November 1, 1968, and to conceal themselves in a pre-arranged Sierra
Maestre Mountains, Oriente Province, hideout until next January 1, 1968,
when a raid to capture political or military prisoners would be carried out,
these prisoners would later be exchanged for Cuba-held political
prisoners. He said the he, and all the others involved were aware of this
general outline of the planned operation before departing from Florida or
in small groups. He added, however, that he was not to participate in the
Cuba phase of the operation. His part, he said, was to furnish his Spanish
language ability during the training period in Guatemala and give Spanish
lessons to those in the force who did not speak Spanish. He was to
remain with the volunteer group until their departure for a sea rendezvous
with a craft which would take them into Cuba. He was to return to his
Florida home.

He said that the plan to train in Guatemala had to be changed because it
was learned, after the IACB arrived in Mexico, that communist guerilla
activity in Guatemala was too intense at the time to permit training activity
to be undertaken there, although he spent several weeks in Guatemala
reconnoitering, escorted by an unknown Indian guide, who was paid for
his services, and had no connection with the IACB. He added that to his
knowledge, none of the other members of the IACB group entered
Guatemala.

He recalled that he departed Miami in behalf of the IACB operation alone
on August 16, 1968, by Greyhound bus, to Harlingen, Texas, where an
undisclosed man picked him up, by pre-arrangement in Chevrolet with
Florida license plates. He and his companion, who he declined to name,
entered Mexico at Matamoros, near Brownsville, Texas, on approximately
August 22, 1968. He said that he entered Mexico as Max Gorman and
showed the Mexican border guards a Florida drivers license in that name.

He said that he had purchased the drivers license, already filled out, in
Florida several weeks previously especially for this operation. He declined
to furnish the name of the person who sold him the driver's license.

He said that he and his companion proceeded inside Mexico to Ciudad
Mante for about two days, then the driver of the car went his separate
way. At Oaxaca, he picked up an M-1 carbine and some ammunition from
an undisclosed person, then proceeded by bus to San Christobal Las
Casas. He looked over this area for a possible base camp, but did not find
a suitable site. He then proceeded to Comitan, again by bus, where he
met three others of the IACB group. From Comitan, he proceeded into
Guatemala, accompanied by an Indian guide, as previously
mentioned. ..Upon his return, he found an IACB base camp already set up
outside Comitan, about one mile from the Guatemalan border.

He said that the base camp near the Guatemalan-Mexico border was
broken up about October 23, 1968, no real training actually having been
conducted, and those, number no disclosed, encamped there had proceed
to Merida. This encampment was called Camp Sand, in contrast to the
mountain encampment which had been called Camp Mud.

Around October 28, 1968, they boarded the Amigo, a Mexican charter
fishing boat, at Progresso, and head to sea for a rendezvous with another
craft. The others were to transfer to the second boat and proceed to Cuba,
while he was to return to Progresso in the Amigo then return to Florida. He
said he had no information concerning the second boat or its passengers.

He said the captain of the Amigo was not intimidated in any way, was paid
in Mexican pesos the equivalent of about $250 American money, and
cooperated fully with the he IACB group in attempting to affect the sea
rendezvous with the second craft. He said the problem was that FRANK
FIORINI was too secretive with the Amigo Captain about their sea
destination as regards the course which had to be set to reach it. He had a
feeling that they were a little early and that FIORINI was directing a zig-
zag course as a means of delaying their arrival at the rendezvous point. At
any rate, the Amigo ran aground on the Turneffe Islands near Belize,
British Honduras. He recalled that the Amigo captain had warned FIORINI
that he, the captain, was unfamiliar with these waters. It was obvious to
Gonzalez, from previous course settings by FIORINI, that the vessel was
off course prior to the grounding, but FIORINI insisted on directing the
movements of the Amigo.

He said that the Amigo had to limp into Belize as a result of the grounding
for refueling and repairs. At Belize, those aboard the Amigo were
detained, after several inspections by British Honduras Customs and
Immigration authorities. These and the expedition members who had been

left near the site of the grounding, awaiting the return of the Amigo, were
eventually charged with illegal entry into British Honduras and were jailed
at Belize. Their arms and ammunition were seized and, after a hearing at
Belize on November 1, 1968, all were ordered deported from British
Honduras.

He said that contrary to public reports, no automatic weapons were seized
by British Honduras authorities, nor were any in the possession of the
IACB group at any time, to his knowledge. He added that he carried no
arms or ammunition of any description into Mexico with him and knows of
no other IACB member who transported arms or ammunition from the
United States into Mexico.

He says he knows of no stolen or rented cars possibly involved in the
IACB Operation and added that he had only seen one car in use in Mexico
by the group. He declined to describe this car, but said that it was not new,
and apparently belonged to one of the International Anti-Communist
Brigade members.

He said that he had not been issued, in connection with this IACB
operation, a blank birth certificate, United States Army honorable
discharge papers, or a blank Florida Motor Vehicle Certificate of Title, and
knows nothing of any of the others being issued any of these documents...

He said that he had considered the possibility that the whole operation
was a hoax perpetrated by FIORINI as a means of obtaining publicity.
However, he has been unable, since the British Honduras authorities
arrested the group, to extract any information from FIORINI which might
substantiate this theory. He continued that if the operation was a hoax, he
had been completely taken in as, until the past few days, he was
convinced that the expedition had a landing in Cuba as its objective and
that a rendezvous with a second boat would have taken place had it not
been for the Amigo running aground.

He said that due to his participation in the IACB operation he had missed
a Miami court date regarding non-payment of a long overdue bill for
newspaper advertising in connection with a former business venture. He
said he expected to be arrested by the Dade County Department of Public
Safety in connection with this court missed date, but he felt that
satisfactory arrangements could be made for a new court date without his
being jailed in the interim. The following description of Gonzalez was
obtained from interview and observation: Height 5'6"; Weight 130 pounds;
Hair brown, receding at temples; Eyes blue; Characteristics: Broken,
discolored teeth.

DAVID ATLEE PHILLIPS stated that Cuban exiles in Florida, with no connection to the
CIA, planned to "slip ashore into the United States naval base at Guantanamo, Cuba,
and launch their attack against Castro from there." PHILLIPS informed the CIA of the
plot and when a wire service carried an account of this story,

I had a reaction from Florida. A man named Maxim Emilio Gonzalez told
Associated Press in Miami that he planned a multi-million dollar lawsuit
against the CIA because he had been 'thrown to the wolves' by the CIA
when an assassination plot he was involved in had to be
aborted. ..STURGIS said the scheme was very possibly OPERATION
SWORD, in which he had conspired with Gonzalez. [PHILLIPS Nightwatch
pp. 284, 208]

HEMMING told this researcher: "OPERATION SWORD was a lot of STURGIS
horseshit. Heh, heh. Bethel told PHILLIPS about it." STURGIS wrote: "1963 travel and
business (operation sword) Mexico and Honduras." STURGIS told Paul Meskill the
recruits used in OPERATION SWORD "were to provide their own transportation." The
men rented cars using the false identification provided by STURGIS. STURGIS' men
sold these cars in Mexico. Six months after STURGIS and company ran aground,
Robert Curtis, a member of STURGIS' group, was arrested for automobile theft. It took
a Broward County jury 20 minutes to convict Curtis of the unauthorized use of a car, a
crime for which he went to jail. According to the indictment of STURGIS and his co-
defendants as prepared the U.S. A. Robert Rust in 1973, Curtis's rented car was one of
at least three Florida cars the entered Mexico with STURGIS' self-styled army. Max
Gonzalez drove another one. By October 7, 1968, the indictment stated, the Floridians
traveling in various cars had regrouped in Guadalajara, Mexico. According to Curtis, the
cars disappeared and STURGIS' Brigade hung around a Mexican motel. Then Curtis
said, he and Richard Brown were told that "we had to go back to Texas and rent
another car. FRANK had a typewriter with a leather case. Sewn into the case were
Florida license tags, blank titles, birth certificate forms and blank registration forms. With
the typewriter kit and a Gulf Oil Credit card in the name of Charles Connell, Curtis and
Brown went to Brownsville, Texas, and rented another car. We put on the Florida tag
and threw away the Texas tag. Then we drove the car into Mexico." Curtis also
contended that the Captain and the First Mate of the Amigo were forced to sail when
STURGIS wanted them to sail because they were held at gunpoint. [Miami Herald
9.7.73] Less than a week later, according to the indictment, Curtis was at it again on
orders from STURGIS and Buchanan. STURGIS had issued false ID to his recruits so
that they could rent cars that were to be abandoned in Mexico, not sold, however, some
of STURGIS' men sold the cars in Mexico or retained them. Curtis testified: "I had a
number of blank duplicate Florida titles, Registration Cards, Birth Certificates, Drivers
Licenses, that I obtained from FRANK STURGIS."

HEMMING told this researcher: "STURGIS was a fucking car thief."

On November 14, 1968, the Norfolk Virginia Ledger Star carried an article entitled EX-
CASTRO FRIEND JAILED FISH HEADS, RICH SLIM DIET:

The latest chapter in the running saga of Norfolkian FRANK FIORINO'S
fight with Fidel Castro includes an 11 day stay in a British Honduras jail
where he lost 20 pounds while living on fish heads and rice. It happened
three weeks ago while FIORINI and 1 2 other Americans were on their way
to make a commando raid against sabotage targets on the coast of
western Cuba. FIORINI stated: 'We left one of our camps on the Yucatan
Peninsula in a 30-foot cabin cruiser called The Amigo. We were supposed
to rendezvous at sea with another boat and transfer the stock of weapons
and medical supplies for a run into the coast of Cuba. Because of bad
weather, The Amigo ended up on a reef just south of Mexican territorial
waters off the coast of British Honduras. We had to spend the night there.

The next morning we finally got her off with the help of a couple of native
boats. Unfortunately the night on the reef had opened up the seams so
The Amigo had to limp into the nearest port - Belize. There, they began
unloading the rifles and over $1,000 in medical supplies. Then the ship
was taken over by British Army Units. We were kept in jail for four days
before we had a hearing before a British Magistrate. The Chief of the
Honduran intelligence section asked for a week continuance in order to
investigate further. They continued to keep us in jail during that week. The
jail, incidentally, was 156 years old. I was by myself in a cell four and a
half feet wide, and eleven feet long. We had one meal a day of fishheads
and rice. Occasionally we got chicken necks and rice. The authorities
apologized they couldn't give us more, but said it was a poor country. At
the end of the week I was brought to the magistrate again. I served as a
spokesman and asked that we not be deported to Mexico as had been
suggested. I knew it was filled with Castro sympathizers there and my life
would be in great danger.

CIA Agent David McLean saw this article and sent it to CIA Agent Harry T. Mahoney:
November 15, 1968. "Dear Harry: Presumably anyone who has been 'making frequent
raids inside Cuba' will be of interest to Dave Phillips & Co. Hence I enclosed another
clipping from my favorite newspaper, The Norfolk Ledger-Star.. .Dave." [CIA D002224]
The activities of FRANK STURGIS from 1969 to 1971 remained a mystery. In February
1 969 the CIA had the FBI run a check on him.

THE WHITE HOUSE SPECIAL OPERATIONS GROUP 1971

In early 1971 STURGIS set up a tax-exempt church in Miami. During HUNT v.
WE BERMAN STU RG IS was asked :

Q. Did you start your own church?

A. Why? I had none. Well, I wanted to set up some missions in Central
and South America for poor people in the Andes, and so forth; but,
unfortunately, Watergate destroyed that.

That year, James Buchanan was arrested entering Mexico with a truckload of automatic
weapons. In late 1971 BARKER recruited STURGIS for the White House Special
Operations Group. STURGIS:

Well, BARKER again, having contact with him, socially and business-wise,
and what have you, one day, I don't know when he told me, or it might
have been weeks or months prior to my involvement with the Special
Intelligence Unit, or my recruitment, he sat down and spoke to me and he
says, 'FRANK, do you remember 'EDUARDO'? Well I spoke with
'EDUARDO,' and we are putting something together, your background and
so forth. And we would like you to get involved with us again. The same
people as before, the same Americans upstairs who were involved in the
Bay of Pigs. And my name was given for a clearance. And naturally I was
cleared."

Evidence suggested that NIXON wanted the same crew who were involved in the
Kennedy assassination as part of the White House Special Operations Group. In a
Motion for Discovery of Exculpatory Information, STURGIS asked for telephone
conversations between White House personnel and the CIA, FBI in 1971, 1972 and
1973, relevant to his activities. STURGIS also believed that NIXON had discussed his
activities, and that this discussion had been picked-up by the White House recording
system during the years 1971, 1 972, and 1 973.

ALLEN MICHAEL FITZGERALD
FBI COMMUNICATIONS SECTION
JANUARY 25, 1973

KNR 022 LA PLAIN

852 PM NITEL 1-24-73 MAN

TO ACTING DIRECTOR (139-4089)

WFO (139-166)

FROM LOS ANGELES (139-306) (P) 3P

Reference: Regarding Boston teletype to Director, January 23, 1973, and
Bureau telephone call to Los Angeles January 24, 1973.

On January 24, 1973, Cheryl Kathleen Fitzgerald, 5312 Kester Avenue,
Apt 2, Van Nuys, California, was interviewed by Bureau agents and
advised she spoke with her husband, Allen Michael Fitzgerald on
November 27, 1972, while he was in custody at Adult Correctional
Institute, Howard, Rhode Island. Fitzgerald asked her if she recalled him
telling her approximately three years ago of his meeting of his meeting
with then CIA agent JAMES McCORD at the Century Plaza Hotel, Los
Angeles, California, through an introduction by Los Angeles Police
Department Detective Gene Scherrer. She advised Fitzgerald did recall

his mentioning this meeting. Fitzgerald then indicated that this was the
same individual indicted in the Watergate matter.

Fitzgerald advised that she and her husband resided in Mexico from
September 1970, through December 1971. While in a hotel restaurant at
Hermosio, Sonora, Mexico, in either October or November 1971, she
recalls her husband walking to another table and engaging in a
conversation with an individual she now believes to have been FRANK
STURGIS. She viewed six black and white photos, one of which was a
photo of STURGIS. She was unable to identify STURGIS, photo 3.
Fitzgerald based her belief that this individual her husband met in Mexico
was STURGIS from a photo she saw in Time Magazine.

Fitzgerald stated she did not write a letter to The New York Times,
however, she believed her husband, Allen Fitzgerald, wrote the letter and
she recalls having him tell her on November 27, 1972, that he had in fact
written a letter to The New York Times.

Fitzgerald advised her husband, Allen, told her three years ago that he
had written a letter to 'Kenneth W. Clawson,' at that time a New York
Times reporter, which letter Fitzgerald alleged was used by Clawson to
'gain a position on the White House Staff.' The letter was believed to
contain information regarding narcotics and political affairs. Fitzgerald
stated she never saw the letter.

On January 22, 1973, she received a telephone call from Seymour Hirsch,
New York Times, requesting additional information regarding her
husband's connection to [Watergate]. She advised she furnished no
further information on the subject matter. (Deleted) She further advised
she is considering pleading under Interstate Transportation of Stolen
Property to charge pending against her in Rhode Island.

Her former husband, Captain Peter Lucarelli, Los Angeles Fire
Department, advised he knows Allen Fitzgerald and considers him to be a
con man. Consequently he doubts Fitzgerald's reliability. Report follows:
(Deleted).

THE 1972 CONVENTION PROVOCATION

The 1972 Republican and Democratic Conventions were scheduled for July and August
in Miami Beach, Florida. In a "Secret, Eyes Only" memorandum prepared for USDC
Judge William M. Hoeveler, HEMMING claimed that:

During January 1972 I was contacted by FBI Agent Robert Dwyer in
reference to assisting Miami FBI project involving Ed Kaiser and FRANK
STURGIS that motivated a 1972 meeting with Alcohol, Tobacco and

Firearms Miami Supervisor Hale for backstop briefing. STURGIS was at
the time a White House/Special Operations Group operative, and was
later arrested at Watergate during June 1972.

In April 1976 HEMMING told Dick Russell:

There were some plans for the convention. I talked to some of the people
participating in it, who later participated in the Watergate thing. Create a
shoot-out using the Yippies and the Zippies and the other 'hard core
commies' they were so worried about. The people I spoke to were going to
put some of this equipment in their hands, and some in law enforcement
hands, and use some of the local vigilantes to start a shoot out. This
would finally straighten out Washington as to where the priorities were on
overcoming the 'domestic communist menace.'

HEMMING stated to this researcher in 1993:

I get a phone call from Bob Dwyer. I hadn't talked to him in months, since
the NIXON compound thing. Some of Veciana's boys had a scheme to
have a Cuban Comar fire a STIX missile at the compound. There was a
similar plan to attack Guantanamo during the Bay of Pigs. They were
gonna take out NIXON and put Agnew in power. I told Dwyer that to me it
was all a provocation, and would end up in arrests, and I'm the fucking guy
standing in the middle. Czukas shows up at my home to discuss this.
Shanley should have been there. Czukas asks me to withdraw my license
to export weapons to the Guatemalan Congress. A quarter of a million
dollar deal. When I told my partner, he said, 'That lying cocksucker wanted
me to give weapons to STURGIS who was over here earlier and spilled
the fucking beans.' Czukas was always the domineering bad type of cop
asshole who was going to put us all away. He was a company
motherfucker. I told my partner, 'You know Bob Dwyer. He called me the
other day with the same shit. They're trying to set us up.' Whatley shows
up, I was using BERNARDO De TORRES office at the time. He shows up
with his cousin - here's an ex-felon carrying a badge and a gun. His cousin
was a Lieutenant in the Sheriff's Department in Jefferson City, Colorado.
We meet at the Holiday Inn Motel at the airport. I said 'I'll demonstrate the
weapons to you.' I call BERNIE and tell him to leave the weapon in the
office I'll come over there. We fired it into a phone book behind the office.
We demonstrated the silencer and the whole thing. Whatley wanted me to
sell them to him under the table. I told him to get a letter from the
Jefferson City Chief of Police saying he needed machine guns. We
considered this a provocation. The first question that comes up in my mind
is 'Why aren't they going to Powder Springs Georgia and talking to
Werbell?' They wanted more than one machine gun. My guess was that
they were going to give them to FRANK. They need silenced weapons so
that somebody in the crowd of demonstrators, maybe Kaiser, could crank

off a few rounds. The guys would be told 'Shoot some demonstrators in
the back, drop your weapons, and get the fuck out of there!' Now other
people with silenced weapons would be taking out direct targets. No one
would hear this. The weapons dropped would be the same caliber. They
didn't want 45 caliber Mac 10's, they wanted nine millimeter. The nine
millimeter round was a sonic round. We had to half load the powder to
keep it below supersonic so that the silencer would work effectively. A 45
round is subsonic. They wanted a nine millimeter because they were
going to have thrown down pieces that were the same caliber. The 45
rounds look like it was government issued to Cubans. If the demonstrators
were found with German World War II souvenirs, Lugars and P-38s, this is
all pawn shop weapons, readily available. STURGIS was trying to use
Kaiser as his cut out. STURGIS was famous for waving 'bye-bye' at the
airport. I don't think STURGIS would be anywhere near the scene. That he
got caught (laughs) in the Texas School Book Depository is... everybody
said finally the motherfucker did something instead of sending others to do
it and what do you know? He got caught.

HEMMING said the FBI and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms wanted him
to help stop STURGIS from instigating a shoot-out at the Republican Convention,
however, it sounded more like HEMMING originated the idea, or was a part of the
scheme. HEMMING told this researcher:

You can't be around this shit unless all hands think you're a player. How's
that? Is that the best way to put it? Will they dump a player? Will they
OSWALD a player? Absolutely.

STURGIS was asked about this: "He's a liar! I'm not aware of these allegations; plus I'm
saying he's a liar. If he made those statements, he's a liar."

CORROBORATION - VINCENT J. HANNARD

HEMMING'S story was verifiable. During the trial of the Gainesville Eight, eight anti-war
veterans charged with having planned violence at the Republican Convention, Vincent
J. Hannard testified that STURGIS and BARKER tried to recruit him for an operation
against the Vietnam Veterans Against the War. A Miami Herald article on June 8, 1973,
by Dennis Holder was titled "Witness Says BARKER and STURGIS Asked Him to
Discredit VVAW." It stated that Vincent J. Hannard, gave sworn statement, June 7,
1 973, that in weeks prior to May 29, 1 972, he:

...received four telephone calls proposing undercover convention work of
the first attempt to break into Democratic National Committee Office at
Watergate. Each call reportedly came from a different person and each
caller tried to persuade him that it was his patriotic duty to help undermine
VVAW. Hannard said one call was from STURGIS. Hannard said he was
sure this caller was STURGIS, who he had known for more than 13 years.

Another caller identified himself as BERNARD BARKER, but Hannard said
he does not know BARKER, and could not be certain BARKER was
actually calling. Another of the calls purported to be from Guy Hawkes.
Hannard said Hawkes was a CIA agent in Miami several years ago. He is
acquainted with Hawkes and is certain this caller actually was not
Hawkes. Hannard said each caller mentioned the VVAW, and described
the proposed task as covert intelligence and investigation. Hannard said
he turned offers down because he was suspicious of the motives of the
callers. The article pointed out that Hannard was disqualified as a witness
in a 1971 Miami narcotics case because psychiatrists testified that
Hannard could neither understand the witness oath, nor tell the difference
between truth and lies. Article also pointed out that Hannard was
convicted in 1962 of impersonating an FBI agent, but was also an
informant for federal and local police agencies, and was a key witness in
several cases. Hannard occasionally volunteers information to Miami FBI.
(Deleted).

HEMMING claimed Vincent J. Hannard was a well-connected Bureau of Narcotics
snitch and a Private Investigator, who reported to Gene Marshall, the roommate of
Charles Ashmann. HEMMING said he had attempted to break into the offices of Vincent
J. Hannard, and that Vincent J. Hannard worked closely with STURGIS and Bobby
Willis.

CORROBORATION -COLSON

When Charles Colson was questioned by Senator Lowell Weicker of Connecticut, he
said he had seen a CIA file that "mentioned radical activities prior to the convention."
[USDC SD FLA. 75-640-cr-PF Def. Ex. 4] In 1973 Senator Lowell Weicker was the
target of a break-in. [Summers Secret Life J/=Hp414]

CORROBORATION - ANGIE BASULTO

Angela Basulto was a former anti-Castro fighter who claimed expert knowledge of
firearms and explosives. Her first husband was Bay of Pigs veteran Jose Basulto Leon.
Jose Basulto, a devout Catholic, had left Boston College, where he majored in physics,
in January 1960, to return to Havana so that he could join a Catholic underground
organization. Basulto was trained in Panama as a radio operator then infiltrated into
Cuba prior to the Bay of Pigs. Five of Basulto's fellow infiltrators were executed and
seven received long prison sentences. Basulto, unhappy with the Kennedy
Administration's lack of action against Castro, struck out on his own. On August 24,
1962, Basulto sailed into Havana with a dozen of his friends and shelled the hotel
Rosita de Hornedo, which was full of Russian advisors. Basulto drove to Guantanamo
and climbed a ten foot fence to safety. Jose Basulto was alleged to have been involved
in McLaney’s Lake LaCombe Louisiana bomb factory and training camp:

On July 23, 1963, WALLACE SHANLEY, U.S. Customs, Miami, advised
that on July 19, 1963, Mr. EDGAR OWENS, U.S. Customs, Miami, had
observed CARLOS EDUARDO HERNANDEZ SANCHEZ, Also known As
“BATRA" at Miami in & green 1963 Chevrolet station wagon with 1963
Florida license 7E-40. Mr. OWENS observed that HERNANDEZ was
accompanied by VICTOR ESPINOSA HERNANDEZ and (First Name
Unknown) BASULTO. SHANLEY advised that HERNANDEZ SANCHEZ
and ESPINOSA HERNANDEZ were two of the five subjects involved in
preparations for a bombing raid in June, 1963 against a Cuban oil refinery
when they were detained and seizure of their plans and bombs was made
by U.S. Customs in a rural area of southwest Miami.

Either the reporting agent or Shanley got confused about the location of the bust. The

FBI reported:

ESPINOSA admitted telephonic contact with about 12 Cuban pilots, some
of whom were willing to engage in this raid. He stated in his opinion, the
only ones who were willing to take the risk of such a raid were his
companions of the infiltration team in the Cuban invasion which included
CARLOS HERNANDEZ SANCHEZ and MIGUEL ALVAREZ JIMENEZ.
VICTOR ESPINOSA denied that his brother, RENE JOSE ESPINOSA or
JOSE BASULTO LEON were participants in these plans for a raid.

Basulto worked with CIA Agent Felix Rodriguez, who was linked to Bush and Oliver

North's Contra arms network. The June 8, 1973, edition of The Miami Herald earned an

article by Rob Elder titled "Florida Agency Admits Receiving VVAW But From Lady

Spy." The FBI:

The article relates that Angelica 'Angie' Rohan, formerly known as Angie
Basulto, furnished a sworn statement to United States District Judge W.

O. Mehrtens, on May 23, 1973, after reading The Miami Herald story
"which for the first time identified Pablo Fernandez as a police informer
who spied on VVAW and offered to sell them guns." According to the
article, Mrs. Rohan made another sworn statement on June 6, 1973, to
Dade Country State Attorney Richard Gerstein. Article says that Florida
Department of Law Enforcement confirmed on June 7, 1973, that summer
Mrs. Basulto furnished Florida Department of Law Enforcement a copy of
a recorded call between Scott Camil of VVAW and Pablo Fernandez.
Basulto also told Florida Department of Law Enforcement that certain
Miamians were involved in a 'demonstration at the Chilean Embassy in
Washington.' Jack Key, Florida Department of Law Enforcement, Miami,
advised Miami Herald he never told the FBI or any other federal agency
about the 'wiretap' or Basulto's Embassy information because the
information did seem at the time to be specific evidence, 'was not worthy
of dissemination' and because Basulto 'was my source and I'm going to
protect my source.' Florida Department of Law Enforcement director,

William Reed, according to article, said Basulto volunteered to work with
the Florida Department of Law Enforcement last summer. Her expense
were paid, and she worked at the Florida Department of Law Enforcement
convention command post, Miami, translating Spanish language material
and writing out long hand intelligence reports. Basulto has sworn that she
was offered 'A copy of the ITT papers' which Fernandez told her were
stolen in the Chilean Embassy burglary. Article reports Basulto once tried
to convince a T.V. crew she was the 'woman in Watergate,' but now she
says she was not. In sworn statement to Dade County State Attorney's
Office, Basulto reportedly claimed second hand knowledge of a possible
plot to assassinate the Democratic Vice Presidential candidate, who later
turned out to be Thomas Eagleton. She claimed 'What they were
supposed to be looking for was George McGovern's running mate.' She
reportedly said at this point in her notes, she wrote the word,
'assassination' and drew a question mark beside it. State Attorney's office
sources told Miami Herald Basulto said she was present when Fernandez
offered to supply VVAW with Cuban weapons which 'could be turned into
machine guns with a little piece of metal.' She was present when
Fernandez offered weapons to VVAW member identified only as Dan.
This veteran reportedly replied, 'We only want peace, man.' Jack Key,
Florida Department of Law Enforcement, Miami, telephonically contacted
on June 8, 1973. He confirmed Basulto worked for the Florida Department
of Law Enforcement during both national political conventions. She
originally contacted Florida Department of Law Enforcement Director
Reed at times furnished information to Reed but Key was her authorized
contact. Key described Basulto as emotional, and as having furnished
both reliable and unreliable information. She was only paid expenses. She
never told the Florida Department of Law Enforcement about being the
'woman in Watergate.' She did furnish last summer what purported to be a
tape of Fernandez-Camil telephone conversation about Chilean Embassy,
Washington, break-in. She did once report that Watergate Hoover rites
people had something to do with the 'demonstration' at the Chilean
Embassy. This information seemed of no significance and she did not
mention the break-in or burglary. Key said he had been interviewed by
Elder for above mentioned article. Elder asked him several times why he
was covering for FBI. He told Elder he was not covering for FBI. He
recalled being contacted by (Deleted) Dade County Public Safety
Department, just prior to Republican National Convention, as to possible
Florida Department of Law Enforcement status of Basulto. Key said that
on June 11, 1973, he will bring to Miami FBI Office complete Basulto
Florida Department of Law Enforcement file for review. On June 8, 1973,
Pablo Fernandez telephonically contacted. He said he met Basulto
approximately July 5, 1972, and was in contact with her until the end of
the Republican National Convention when she stopped calling him. She
told Fernandez she was working for Florida Department of Law
Enforcement and wanted to know what Cuban exiles were planning for

political conventions. Fernandez said he 'took her around' during
conventions, and brought her to Cuban exile meetings. He did furnish her
a copy of his tape recorded conversation with Scott Camil earlier same
date he furnished original of tape conversation to S.A. Deleted, Miami. He
furnished her copies of no other tapes. He said he never offered her a
copy of the ITT papers reportedly stolen in Chilean Embassy burglary. He
said he had no knowledge of existence of such papers and has no
knowledge of who perpetrated this burglary. He said his only VVAW
contacts were Hialeah drugstore meetings, a Miami Police Department
meeting with VVAW, other non-delegate organizations, including Cuban
exile groups, and police. ..Basulto was not with him on any of these
occasions. Basulto was with him on the second or third day of Democratic
National Convention when he strolled through Flamingo Park, Miami
Beach, non-delegate campsite. He did not speak to any VVAW members
at that time and emphatically did not offer to supply VVAW with Cuban
weapons, as alleged above. Fernandez denied furnishing Basulto any
information regarding a possible plot to assassinate the Democratic Vice
Presidential Candidate. ..Fernandez said he did tell Basulto about Hialeah
drugstore meetings with VVAW, but told her about no other contact with
VVAW. [Miami Herald 6.8.73; FBI 139-4089-1230]

Pablo Fernandez was an FBI informant in the case of the Gainesville Eight. HEMMING
wondered if STURGIS had ever dealt with any counterculture people when "they were
getting that slaughter ready for Miami Beach in 1972."

CORROBORATION - EDWIN KAISER

In 1952 Ed Kaiser joined the Marines, but
received a bad conduct dishonorable discharge
before his basic training ended. Ed Kaiser
became a heroin addict (Sonia Kaiser insisted
that her husband was never an addict) and
amassed a long criminal record, including
aggravated assault, assault with a deadly
weapon, burglary and larceny. In 1957 Ed
Kaiser joined the French Foreign Legion and
lost his American citizenship. On January 29,
1959, his citizenship was revoked. He left the
Foreign Legion on a medical discharge, and
returned to the United States in 1959 as a landed immigrant. In 1961 Ed Kaiser moved
to Alaska, where he was convicted of theft of Government property and assault. On May
30, 1964, and on May 31, 1964, the CIA showed an interest in Ed Kaiser, and two
outgoing cables about him were generated which were denied in their entirely. [Ltr.
Harry E. Fitzwater, Chairman, CIA Information Review Committee 1.4.82]

CUBAN AND HAITIAN EXILE AFFAIRS

In 1969 Ed Kaiser moved to Miami where the FBI took note of him due to his affiliation
with Cubanos Unidos, an anti-Castro group made up of former members of Alpha-66.
The FBI reported:

Cubanos Unidos (CU) is a Cuban exile anti- Fidel Castro organization in
Miami, Florida. It purpose is to unite all exile groups into a unity
organization and begin military operations against the present
Government of Cuba. Wilfredo Navarro Beato is the head of CU...On
June 26, 1970, MM T-2, a Cuban exile who had been involved in Cuban
Revolutionary matters for the past five years advised that on the night
previously, (deleted) with Wilfredo Navarro, at which time Navarro claimed
CU was going ahead with its plans to sink a Soviet vessel off the east
coast of Florida as the vessel was on its way to Cuba.

On June 19, 1970 MM T-3, another Government agency which conducts
intelligence investigations, advised information had been received that CU
recently held a meeting to introduce Americans who are backing their
organization. The Americans were Frank Fiorini and Ed Kaiser. Fiorini
calls himself the “Chief of Intelligence Section of Cubanos Unidos.” On
July 1, 1970 NAVARRO appeared at the Miami Office of the FBI with his
brother Roerme, and advised as follows:

Frank Fiorini, an American citizen who has been involved in Cuban exile
revolutionary matters for the past ten years, recently signed a unity
agreement with CU. In this agreement, Fiorini, who represents some
independent anti-Castro organization, agreed that political unity of all exile
groups must be established. Fiorini is not a member of CU as such, holds
no official position, and in not in charge of intelligence.

KAISER said that CU presently has a .50 caliber machine gun, a .30
caliber machine gun, some C-4 explosive, and a quantity of small arms.

CU is considering a three-day infiltration and sabotage mission to Cuba in
which about five men will participate. One of the tactics they plan to use is
to kill a few Cuban Government soldiers and cut them up into small pieces
to terrify other Cuban Government soldiers.

On July 30, 1970, KAISER advised he was then leaving for the Island of
Martinique in the Caribbean where he would try to make arrangements to
meet up a military base for operations against Cuba. On August 3, 1970,
KAISER advised he had just returned from the Island of Martinique where
he was arrested and questioned for 28 hours by French intelligence
officials before he was released. The purpose of the visit was to obtain
permission to set up a base for operations against Cuba. French

authorities told him they would cooperate with him if and when he
obtained such permission from the United States Government.

KAISER said his present military plans involve an operation which would
leave the Florida Keys by boat and attack the Cuban Naval Academy near
Havana. About twelve persons would participate in the raid and after the
mission, would return to the Florida keys. After about two days in the
Florida Keys, they would return to sea to meet a mother ship and then go
to Haiti. KAISER said the military mission would leave the Florida area
with arms and explosives aboard.

On July 29, 1970 the CIA reported Ed Kaiser was part of a CU sponsored operation
against Cuba. Ed Kaiser claimed Cubanos Unidos was involved in the distribution of
anti-Castro cartoons; in fact the goal of Cubanos Unidos was to form a Cuban
government-in-exile in Haiti. Ed Kaiser was in contact with numerous Haitian exiles, and
while Ed Kaiser was head of the military section of Cubana Unida, he was suspected of
plotting the assassination of "Papa Doc" Duvalier.

Sonia Kaiser reported that at one Cubanos Unidos meeting her husband was
introduced to STURGIS by a Cuban exile named "William Navarro." HEMMING told this
researcher: "She meant Wilfrado Navarro. Wilfrado and Antonio Navarro were Cuban
right wing assholes that were with STURGIS in 1960." When the FBI questioned the
CIA about Ed Kaiser on JULY 22, 1969, ANGLETON prepared a memorandum titled
"Ed Kaiser and (deleted as of 2010)." When the CIA released this document, it
contained three pages of deletions. The only information in it was the words "On the
basis of the limited data available, this Agency's files contain no identifiable information
on Ed Kaiser. For The Deputy Director Of Plans: JAMES ANGLETON, CSCI
316/02475-69, cc: Customs Commissioner." The FBI reported:

Ed Kaiser has been the Subject of a criminal type investigation by the FBI
Miami since late 1971. Earlier in 1971 Kaiser allegedly wore the uniform of
the U.S. Army and used fraudulent military identification to enter the
premises of the U.S. Coast Guard Station, Opa Locka, Florida, where he
fraudulently obtained office and medical supplies. Kaiser is reported to
have entered the premises of other military bases at Homestead, Florida,
and San Juan, Puerto Rico, where he allegedly represented himself as a
military officer and used military facilities. Investigation of this matter is
continuing and, as yet, no Federal criminal charges against Kaiser have
been initiated. [FBI 139-4089-2469 7.9.73]

Kaiser was convicted of stealing Coast Guard office and medical supplies while wearing
a false uniform. HEMMING told this researcher: "You make him sound like a junkie. He
was stealing classified documents." An FBI document stated: "(Deleted) One such
person contacted is an unidentified Negro male who sells Kaiser stolen watches, rings
and other jewelry which Kaiser resells to employees at Maule Industry and other
factories in the area and the Opa Locka area." [FBI 47-55225-2 p 18] In late 1971

Kaiser was suspected of plotting to hijack a Cuban or Russian freighter. Sonia Kaiser
reported that around this time her husband had a closet full of ammunition and
grenades, which were removed shortly before the FBI searched the apartment.

A few days after STURGIS was arrested at Watergate, Ed Kaiser went to Haiti - where,
according to HEMMING, he visited Mike McLaney. HEMMING told this researcher: "He
was delivering an ultimatum to McLaney. A hit was going to go down. Out of
professional courtesy, Kaiser asked him to take sides."

In May 1973 Ed Kaiser contacted a Miami FBI agent and advised that:

...he was a long time friend of FRANK STURGIS, also known as FRANK
FIORINI, one of the convicted Watergate defendants and prior to the 1972
Republican Convention in August 1972 STURGIS invited Kaiser to
participate in a planned convention riot at the convention. STURGIS later
told him the riot was off, and something bigger was being planned. At this
time STURGIS mentioned to Kaiser the name of a nationally known figure,
a businessman and not a politician, who was in charge of planning the
financing and direction of this new operation. According to Kaiser, this
individual was at the time unknown in the Watergate investigation. Kaiser
at the time of the above contact stated he would furnish this information in
exchange by the Government of:

THE PLANNED CONVENTION RIOT

WILFREDO NAVARRO (RED PANTS) AND ED KAISER

1 . The safety of his family.

2. For employment security at his present employment, a service
attendant at the (deleted) service station, Florida.

3. For an opportunity to apply for State and Federal pardons.

Numerous attempts were made to interview Kaiser to further develop this
information both at his residence and his place of employment. During the
period Kaiser was also hospitalized for leg surgery. In response to these
efforts, Kaiser contacted the Miami office and agreed to an interview on
June 26, 1973. At that date Kaiser appeared at the Miami Office
accompanied by Attorney Edward N. Claughton, and advised that he had
changed his mind about furnishing information to the FBI. He stated that
he had already furnished the above information to a member of the
Watergate Committee, and was awaiting action from that source. The
individual mentioned by Kaiser above was subsequently identified by
Kaiser as Jack Anderson, newspaper columnist. In view of Kaiser's
reputation, and pending criminal investigation, no commitments were
made in any way to Kaiser during the above contacts, and the information
furnished by him was accepted without comment. Sonia Kaiser
remembered waiting outside while he discussed this with STURGIS. Ed
Kaiser asked the FBI for protection for himself and his family in return for
this information. [FBI 139-3089-2469,2413]

In August 1973 Ed Kaiser gave the CIA similar information. This CIA report was
withheld as of 2010. [CIA Memo 8.20.73] An index card was generated by the CIA's
Office of the Inspector General:

Gray, Patrick August 20, 1973. Flannery, J.E.

Scott, Ed

Casey (Scott alias)

Casio (Scott alias)

Kaiser (Scott alias)

IG FILE (Illegible)

Irvinq R. Doyle
Tab #1

Eduardo T. Scott
Info to FBI
STURGIS, FRANK
(Illegible) Gorgon
(Illegible) Howard

Letter to C/FBI from (illegible) Ed Scott alias Casey, Casio and Kaiser.

James E. Flannery was a CIA agent stationed in Bolivia from 1961 to 1964, Mexico from
1964 to 1965, and the Dominican Republic from 1965 to 1969. Kaiser also gave the
Senate Select Committee on Campaign Activities this information. STURGIS refuted Ed
Kaiser in Executive Session testimony: "STURGIS stated he was never approached by

anyone concerning demonstrations against the VVAW at the Republican Convention.
He recalls no such conversation with Ed Kaiser. He admitted knowing Kaiser for a
number of years, and said he considered Kaiser to be a good source of information for
Cuban-related activities but had reason, nonetheless, to suspect Kaiser's credibility."
[STURGIS Exec. Sess. Test. 7.27-28.73 as cited in SSCIA Minority Staff Report] On
August 20, 1973, the Miami Field Office of the FBI sent the Director a highly deleted
teletype. The only words released were "CHANGED" and "CONSPIRACY - RING
CASE, 00: Miami." [FBI 26-425217-36 2 pages] In August 1975 Ed Kaiser arranged for
an illegal arms shipment to a Nicaraguan anti-Castro training base, and frequently
talked of uniting the White Russian refugees for military operations against Cuba.

ED KAISER IN ISRAEL

On January 9, 1976, Ed Kaiser successfully entered Israel bearing a passport issued in
the name of Jerome Schneider. On March 2, 1976, Ed Kaiser was arrested for use of a
false passport while trying to re-enter Israel. A CIA report on Kaiser was generated on
June 25, 1976. This was withheld in its entirety as of 2010. Kaiser was released in July
1976, and when he returned to the United States, he was indicted on identical charges.
Ed Kaiser told the FBI that he entered Israel by pretending to be a Jew who wished to
volunteer his services to the Israeli military. Ed Kaiser claimed he was acting on behalf
of the United States Government. The passport he used to enter Israel was a crude
forgery. Ed Kaiser had obtained the passport of Jerome Schneider, removed his
photograph, and put his picture in its place. This did not indicate sophisticated trade
craft. The CIA was interested in Ed Kaiser around this time and a Memorandum dated
June 25, 1976, about him, was withheld in its entirety as of 2010. Sonia Kaiser:

He was in Israel and he was arrested for tapping wires. Don't ask me
whose wires, because I don't know. It's in some arrest report that I have.

He was not arrested entering Israel with a false passport. He had a false
passport, that's true. He was in Israel for quite a while. I got letters from
him. He sent letters to me and he sent letters to my children, his children.

He was there on a kibbutz for a while. He was already living there. I had a
lot of papers, I had them. They were stolen. All the papers are gone.

HEMMING claimed Ed Kaiser was doing a hit for a colonel in the Israeli Defense Force
in Nablus: "I flew the guy he went with around the Bahamas in 1981, until he turned
himself into the U.S. Marshals. We use their people, they use ours. Ed Kaiser was
arrested as he was leaving." HEMMING was asked why he was arrested if the Israelis
had used him?

In 1976 STURGIS convinced Ed Kaiser that Gaeton Fonzi could find a way to get him
out of his legal troubles. Ed Kaiser spoke with Gaeton Fonzi several times. Ed Kaiser
did not know it, but his legal problems had ended: the U.S. Attorney in Miami could not
prosecute him since it was unknown whether Ed Kaiser had departed the United States
from the Southern District of Florida or from elsewhere. Sonia Kaiser disagreed: "He
took a plane from Miami to Israel on El Al. They certainly could prove it. They are hiding

something there. They know something that they're not saying." [FBI 21-2005-21
4.19.76] On February 8, 1977, Ed Kaiser “fell off” some wooden planking while working
aboard a ship, and died due to multiple injuries and blunt trauma; he was 44 years old.
Sonia Kaiser stated:

Fie carried a lot of papers in an attache case. It was missing right after he
died. I saw him with it before he was killed. I know he had it. But the day
he died I never saw it again after that, never.

In 1978 FI EM MING was asked about the death of Ed Kaiser:

Fie fell on the job. The FBI don't know. STURGIS don't know. I saw
STURGIS at the funeral that night. Nobody else was there. Fley, he could
have just 'up and died?' Fie had to get out from under this shit. All he
needed was a phony death certificate. Fie was under investigation for a
phony passport thing in Israel, he may have contracted to do a Middle
East hit and gotten into trouble. Fie may be in Shangrila!

Sonia Kaiser had no doubt that her husband was murdered:

Somebody pushed him into the manhole. I wasn't there, of course. Fie told
all his men that were working for him on that shift, not to walk across the
manhole, because the boards were not safe for weight. The next thing
they do is they call me at work and tell me he's dead. Then they tell me
that he walked across there and the boards broke and he fell in. And I said
'Why would he be so stupid if he's telling everybody not to walk across
there, why would he be so stupid to do that?' They didn't know of course.

Then I got a lot of strange visits from a lot of strange people and a lot of
strange phone calls, like yours for instance, asking me questions.

F1EMMING told this researcher:

It ain't a matter of pushing him into the manhole. I went to check on all that
kind of bullshit. I went to the medical examiner's office. Dwyer was there.

Fie ain't supposed to be dicking around in that territory, it ain't his case.

Dwyer wants to know from me, 'Did he fucking die? Was that him?' What
he stepped on collapsed. Fie wasn't supposed to step on it. It happened to
one of my other guys about the same time, only he flew through the roof of
the shithouse. Later on he O.D.ed on dope. People don't listen. STURGIS
wasn't worried about being snitched out. Somebody else would know
Kaiser was talking out of school. A criminal investigation was going on.

They didn't want him testifying before a Federal Grand jury. They took
care of the situation. The guy had 'OSWALD' stamped on his forehead.

Sonia Kaiser was asked about her husband's relationship with STURGIS:

Before Watergate FRANK STURGIS was at our house constantly. But I
never knew what they talked about, because they never talked in front of
me. We used to go to FRANK'S house too.

THE BURGLARY OF THE CHILEAN EMBASSY

In the Spring of 1972 STURGIS took part in several burglaries in Washington, D.C.
STURGIS told Andrew St. George that the White House/Speciai Operations Group had
entered the offices of Senator Jacob Javits (Rep. -NY.), Soi Linowitz and Dan Rather. St.
George quoted STURGIS as saying "The liberals have twisted everything. There is no
use in trying to explain. If I had my way, just one chance, I'd kill every one of them."
[True 8.74] One of these burglaries involved the Chilean Embassy in Washington, D.C.
During a telephone conversation between John Dean and CIA Director James
Schlesinger on February 9, 1975, Schlesinger noted: "In this connection he mentioned
that there is a news story being passed about in the press, primarily instigated by
Seymour Hirsch of the New York Times. The story suggests that STURGIS was the
individual responsible for the burglarizing of the Chilean Embassy in Washington. He
also indicated he expects Senator Fulbright to request the Justice Department to
produce STURGIS for the Senate hearings."

The CIA's Inspector General's Office generated an index card titled March 19, 1973,
March 6, 1973, Contacts w/ITT Tab #1 which contained the names Hal Hendrix, ITT, R.
Berrellez, Jack Anderson, E. HOWARD HUNT, FRANK STURGIS, Chilean Embassy,
P. Gilbert, (Deleted), J. Levinson, Lawrence Houston, Aible, J. Shafer, E. Gerrity,
Harold Gennen, William Broe, Matte and H. Heckscher. This was a contact report
from (Deleted) C/WH/CA. "Subject: Conversations with Hal Hendrix on March 6, 1973,
(Broe - Gennen mtg July 1970) relations with Heckscher and Matte - Anderson's
column regarding Chilean Embassy break-in." According to an article in the Washington
Post dated October 23, 1978, Ted Shackley, Jacob Esterline and Tom Polgar were also
involved in the CIA's effort to overthrow Allende. On April 15, 1961, Hal Hendrix, the
Latin American correspondent for the Miami Daily News wrote: There will be no mass
invasion against Cuba by the anti-Castro forces gathered at bases in Central American
and this country. The News has stated this for several months." Gaeton Fonzi reported:

In 1 961 , when PHILLIPS was handling the propaganda desk for the Bay of
Pigs operation and, as such, was in constant contact with friendly media
types, there was a reporter on the Miami News named Hal Hendrix, whose
coverage of the invasion seemed to be deeper and more detailed than any
other journalist, local or national. In 1962 Hendrix's coverage of the Cuban
Missile Crisis was so penetrating and insightful it garnered his paper a
Pulitzer Prize. The next year Hendrix got himself promoted to a more
prestigious job, covering Latin America for the Scripps-Howard News
Service. Still based in Miami, Hendrix's sources remained quite
extraordinary. In a piece for Scripps-Howard dated September 23, 1963,
Hendrix wrote a colorful and detailed description of the coup that toppled
Juan Bosch, the leftist President of the Dominican Republic. If Hendrix

report didn't come from inside sources, it was an amazing display of
clairvoyance - the coup didn't take place until the following day.

Author Tony Summers reported:

Seth Kantor's [a Dallas-based journalist who was acquainted with JACK
RUBY] notes revealed that one of the calls that Kantor made from City
Hall was to the Florida number, Coral Gables MO 5-6473 [at about 6:00
p.m.] This was the [home] number of Hal Hendrix, a Miami journalist also
working for Kantor's newspaper group, (Scripps-Howard) who was offering
information on OSWALD. Hendrix, on the afternoon of the assassination,
was able to give Kantor details of OSWALD'S past, his defection to
Russia, and his pro-Castro activities on his return.

Kantor reported:

The information he gave me, according to my notes, contained details of
OSWALD'S past, particularly OSWALD'S time span in Russia and his
latter connection with the Fair Play for Cuba Committee in New Orleans.
Hendrix gave me a bunch of knowledgeable background on OSWALD'S
appearance on New Orleans radio station WDSU, the previous August. In
a show moderated by William Kirk Stuckey, OSWALD had debated
CARLOS BRINGUIER, an anti-Castro activist and Cuban refugee. [The
Ruby Coverup, Seth Kantor page 376] Hendrix left
Scripps-Howard in 1967 to work for ITT. In July 1970,
following a meeting between Harold Hendrix and a CIA
officer in Santiago, Chile, John McCone contacted
Richard Helms, who arranged a meeting in Washington
between William Broe, chief of the Western Hemisphere
Division in the DDP, and Harold Geneen, the head of ITT.
Geneen offered Broe and the CIA $1 million in ITT funds
for an anti-Allende campaign. [The Man Who Kept the
Secrets, Powers, p290] On October 16, 1970, Hal Hendrix
cabled his intelligence estimate to his home office: "Unless there is a
move by dissident Chilean military elements by this time next mid-week,
the consensus in Santiago is that Salvador Allende will win the October
24, 1970, Congressional run-off easily and be inaugurated as President
November 4, 1970. The chance of a military coup is slim but it continues
to exist - at least to this date. A key figure in this possibility is former
Brigadier General Roberto Viaux..."

On November 5, 1976, Hendrix was charged in federal court with a misdemeanor for
refusing to testify accurately before the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee about
ITT's connection with the CIA in Chile. Hendrix was acquainted with JERRY HEMMING

through OPERATION CRYPT. He worked with DAVID PHILLIPS, who was stationed in
Brazil, on the overthrow of the Allende regime in Chile. John Crewdson of The New
York Times reported: "One journalist who is said by a senior CIA official to have
accepted travel money [from the CIA], was Hal Hendrix, who as a reporter for the Miami
News, won a Pulitzer Prize for his stories on the 1962 Cuban missile crisis... Mr.
Hendrix, the official said, was considered an asset by the Agency...' [NYT 12.27.77]
HOWARD HUNT was involved in generating propaganda relevant to the Bay of Pigs
invasion. HUNT may have also known Hal Hendrix. Hendrix's premature knowledge of
OSWALD'S activities may have come from HUNT or PHILLIPS. It also might have come
from HEMMING, who claimed he was in touch with Hendrix on November 22, 1963.

Benjamin Matte was in Chile from 1971 to 1974. He was President of the National
Society of Agriculture and the head of the right-wing party Fatherland and Liberty which
advocated the mass murder of all communists. Matte was an associate of Roberto
Viaux. German-born Henry D. Heckscher was in Germany in 1953, where he was East
Berlin Chief of Station. When laborers in East Berlin rioted in June 1953, Heckscher
cabled Washington for permission to arm the rioters. Heckscher was in Guatemala in
1954. In Guatemala he worked with DAVID PHILLIPS and Birch O'Neal. [Hersh, Old
Boys, page 344] He was in Laos from 1957 to 1960, Venezuela from 1964 to 1967, and
Chile from 1967 to 1970. In Chile, Heckscher tunneled money to Jorge Alessandri, the
opponent of Salvadore Allende for the presidency of Chile. Heckscher was in touch with
Hal Hendricks. When Allende was elected, Heckscher lost his post in Chile. The team
that replaced him included Gordon Jorgenson. Heckscher died on March 29, 1990.
Jerome I. Levinson worked for Senator Church's Senate Sub-Committee on
Multinationals of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. When Jerome Levinson
began an investigation of Adan Khashoggi, a prostitute was sent to his hotel room by,
Eugene R. Warner, a Khashoggi aide. The 45 year old Levinson was forced to leave the
committee due to an almost near fatal heart attack. Edward J. Gerrity Jr. was a Vice
President of ITT who received a memorandum from Hal Hendricks and Mexican
journalist R. Berrellez on September 17, 1970, speculating on which segment of the
military had the capability to overthrow Allende. This eight page document said that the
American Ambassador in Chile had received "the green light to move in
the name of President NIXON. ..[with] maximum authority to do all
possible - short of a Dominican Republic type action - to keep Allende
from taking power." [Marchetti, CIA and the Cult of Intelligence page
330] William Broe worked with Gerrity on a plan to destabilize the
Cuban economy. All over these men were involved with General Viaux.
Robert Berrellez was an AP correspondent in Cuba from 1959 to
1961. He was expelled after the Bay of Pigs. Berrellez became a P.R.
man for ITT in Chile. Robert Berrellez was accused of perjuring himself
during his 1973 testimony on Chile before the U.S. Senate. Berrellez
helped Gerrity prepare his (Garrity's) testimony. Berrellez indictment noted that he had
met a CIA official in 1972 and pledged that he and Hendricks would deny ever having
contact with the Agency in Latin America. Researcher Don Freed reported that Berrellez
was acquainted with DAVID PHILLIPS. The NACLA reported that Berrellez suggested
that a relocation center be set up in Buenos Aires for the families of those involved in

the coup. [NACLA 10.73] The NACLA also reported that after the assassination of
General Schneider, Juan Luis Bulnes, who later proved to be responsible for
Schneider's death, immediately went to the airport and picked up a ticket for Buenos
Aires which earlier had been reserved for him in the name of Robert Berrellez. [NACLA
8.74]

RICHARD WHATLEY AND WATERGATE

The FBI reported:

Re Miami teletype July 14, 1972, concerning unsub, aka photographer,
described by witness (Deleted) as third man with BERNARD BARKER
and FRANK STURGIS when they picked-up processed film at Rich Photo
Shop, Miami, Florida, on June 10, 1972. On April 6, 1973, (Deleted)
advised his contact agent that he has had regular contact for a period of
several years with one Richard Whatley, a used car salesman, and that
Whatley has made several casual remarks about the Watergate incident
and about knowing the Watergate defendants. Source indicated on April 5,
1973, Whatley commented that if someone talked, his attorney indicated
he was facing a federal indictment.

A review of Miami files reflects that Richard Whatley, (Deleted) Florida,
date of birth (Deleted) New York City, 5'6" 135 pounds, brown hair, blue
eyes was one of 13 International Anti-Communist Brigade members
arrested by United States Customs authorities on December 4, 1962, at
No Name Key, Florida. Watergate Subject FRANK STURGIS was one of
the leaders of this group which was alleged to be a military operation
against Cuba. Details are set out in Miami report of S.A. (Deleted) dated
November 9, 1968, Bufile (Deleted).

Subsequently, on April 6, 1973, source observed artist conception of
unsub, aka photographer, and stated that this drawing was an excellent
likeness of Richard Whatley. He stated that all the facial features of the
drawing were extremely similar with the exception of Whatley's hair which
is fuller than in the drawing. The physical description of (Deleted)
compares favorably with the of unsub, aka photographer, with the
exception of age. Efforts continue to secure recent photograph of
(Deleted) FBI number 4145899 for appropriate display to witness
(Deleted). Investigation continuing. [FBI 139-4089-1978 4.11.73]

WATERGATE JUNE 1972

On June 17, 1972, STURGIS was arrested at the Watergate Hotel along with McCORD,
BARKER, Rolando Martinez and CIA contract agent Virgilio Gonzalez. Virgilio Gonzalez
entered the United States as a permanent resident on July 21, 1954. The FBI: "Subject

known to have left the United States in January 1959 to work for Felipe Vidal Santiago,
Chief of Maritime Police, Cuba. Subject returned to the United States in August 1959.
He worked for Felipe Vidal Santiago as an assistant and a driver." [FBI 139-4081-188
6.24.72] On the same day as STURGIS' arrest, the CIA advised the FBI that
"BERNARD L. BARKER and JAMES WALTER McCORD had been CIA employees and
that security checks were negative concerning FRANK FRED FIORINI..." [FBI Bufile
4679-10 W/G - FBI Reading Room] Robert Olsen of the Rockefeller Commission asked
STURGIS:

Ever act for CIA, get paid by CIA, participate in CIA project, etc. ? Yes,
extensively. Not a Cuban-American. Ancestry is Italian. FIORINI. Working
for American Embassy, infiltrated Castro's 26th of July Movement. Several
assassination attempts on Castro, including in New York in 1959 & 1960.

Knew gambling interests in Cuba. Connected with 'Company' but never
'employed' by CIA. Was paid in cash by CIA as contract agent. Was a spy
for United States Government. Highest official - Case Officer - equivalent
to Station Chief. Prefers not to give names by phone. New Orleans - May
have met some of the Cubans who traveled to New Orleans and
elsewhere. Manuel Artime - in Miami. Civil leader of the brigade.

In July 1972 the CIA disclaimed any connection with STURGIS. In February 1975 then-
acting CIA Director James Schlesinger [February 1973 to May 1973] told John Dean
that "shortly thereafter I discussed these matters with Bill Colby, who indicated that
STURGIS has not been on the payroll for a number of years and that whatever the
allegations about the Chilean Embassy, the Agency has no connections at all." [JRS
MFR re tel. con. with John Dean 2.9.75] Jerry G. Brown, Deputy Chief, Security
Analysis Group generated this MFR dated July 20, 1976:

On July 20, 1976, SAG delivered certain materials to the Office of the
General Counsel relative to a request from the Department of Justice for
original materials relating to ITT/Chile. Among the materials given to the
OGC was the number attached which was received from a Watergate file
captioned, '7th Floor Material.' At the time of delivery to OGC, and with the
concurrence of the Director of Security, it was pointed out that the
document is unclassified and contains a statement by the originator,

James R. Schlesinger, former DCI, that in his discussion with William
Colby, Colby stated that 'STURGIS has not been on the payroll for a
number of years.' It was pointed out to OGC that this statement is in direct
conflict with prior Agency public releases concerning STURGIS to the
effect that he has never been connected to the Agency in any way.

STURGIS told Robert Olsen of the Rockefeller Commission:

John Dean called Schlesinger regarding STURGIS and Chilean break-in.
STURGIS says he talked to Colby and Colby said that STURGIS hadn't
worked for CIA in last several years and a had nothing to do with CIA. CIA

lost or destroyed his file. Has lied about his having no connection with the
CIA. Helms also told Senate Watergate Committee STURGIS had worked
for the CIA. Gonzalez had not worked for CIA. Willing to testify under oath.

Willing to name names of CIA officials in contact with him. (Uses 'Hey'
frequently in conversation. Talks with no Cuban accent.)

During STURGIS' Watergate trial, STURGIS asked for all FBI records concerning:

1. Activities in Cuba during the 1950's, his association with Fidel Castro,
his contacts with personnel of the United States Embassy in Cuba, his
contacts with FBI agents, personnel or information on other U.S. officers,
or agents, either in Cuba, or in this country, and information received by
the FBI directly or indirectly, from him relating to Cuba, Fidel Castro or
Castro's Government.

2. His activities from 1959 to 1970 pertaining or relating to the country of
Cuba while he resided in Florida including boat and plane operations, or
incursion directed at the country of Cuba, the source of funding for said
operations, the awareness and/or approval of said operations by other
U.S. Government agencies and contacts he had with FBI agents,
employees or informants during said period of time. [Oliver v. CREEP Civil
Action 1207 - Daniel E. Schultz]

On January 29, 1974, the CIA generated a document that contained the names Matt
MacVane, Luis Desa-Soto and J. Horton (Domestic Contacts Division/Miami). It
concerned STURGIS' connection to the CIA. On January 31, 1974, the CIA's Office of
the Inspector General generated this index card: "Internal Review, IG File #16, Tab #55,
Internal Review, M/R by Harold G. Tittsler. Subject: (re STURGIS wanting to meet with
Agency representative. STURGIS, FRANK, Harold Tittsler, Art Brew, Joe Joyner." In
1975 STURGIS told the Rockefeller Commission that his CIA contact in 1959 in Miami
was Jose Joachim Sajennes Pardomo. STURGIS:

Naturally I had contact with BARKER. BARKER didn't realize what I was
doing, but I knew he was working as an administrative assistant to
'EDUARDO,' which I did not know as E. HOWARD HUNT...E. HOWARD
HUNT gave X amount of thousands of dollars to, or at least okayed this
money for the B-25 bomber to be repaired. Pedro Diaz Lanz was one
source of money... I was in constant touch with Joachim Sajennes. At the
same time BARKER did not know I was in touch with Joachim Sajennes,
and BARKER asked me to assist him in some of the work — some of the
investigations he was doing. And I agreed only after I got in touch with
Joachim Sajennes and Joachim Sajennes says, go ahead, no problem.
Everybody was working for the same people.

In a Motion for Favorable Evidence, Ellis Rubin asked for "CIA Station records for 1967
and 1968 from Mexico City, Merida, Belize, Caracas and Miami," to show STURGIS'

"past connections and working agreements with and employment by the CIA."
STURGIS told the Rockefeller Commission that he was paid in cash. After Watergate,
the FBI was unable to locate a bank account for STURGIS. When they reviewed the
canceled checks issued to STURGIS by his employer, the Pan American Aluminum
Corporation, Miami, it found that all the checks had been cashed in local supermarkets.
[FBI 139-4089-394] In a CIA Task Force Report cited by the FISCA, it was asserted that
"STURGIS was in contact with some CIA Cuban employees in the Miami area, but had
no direct Agency relationship." When Richard Helms appeared before the Foreign
Relations Committee on February 7, 1973, in connection with his appointment as
Ambassador to Iran, the following exchange took place: "The Chairman: 'Was FRANK
STURGIS an employee?'" Richard Flelms: "Never, I am sure of that." In 1984, during the
second HUNT v. SPOTLIGHT libel trial, Richard Flelms said in a deposition that "to the
best of my recollection" STURGIS once was "an agent, an outside agent, a contract
agent, of the Agency. Fie was not a staff member of the Agency." [FISCA Staff Rep: The
Evolution and Implications of the CIA-Sponsored Ass. Conspiracies Against Fidel
Castro 3.79 Miami Herald 1 .31 .85] A few days after the Rockefeller Commission Report
was released, Jerrold G. Brown, Deputy Chief of Security Analysis Group, prepared a
Eyes Only Memorandum regarding STURGIS' CIA connection.

EYES ONLY

June 10, 1975

MEMORANDUM FOR: Director of Security
VIA: Chief, Security Analysis Group

SUBJECTS: STURGIS, FRANK ANTHONY #353 459, HUNT, EVERETTE HOWARD
#25 500

1. The attached memorandum, dated and captioned as above, resulted
from a review of Office of Security material concerning FRANK ANTHONY
STURGIS, aka; FRANK FIORINI, to further substantiate the Agency's
recent public statement to the effect that STURGIS was never connected
with the Agency. The writer found no information in the material reviewed
which would contradict the Agency's public statement; however, it is
apparent that an unknown group has backed some of STURGIS' activities.

2. The attachment is designed as a lead paper only - it should not be
considered definitive - to show a line of investigation that can be pursued.

The writer will attempt no further research into this matter without approval
from higher authority.

Jerry G. Brown,

Deputy Chief, Security Analysis Group.

[CIA 1 351 -1 059-B CIA FOIA #40340]

HEMMING told this researcher: "That covers him for stirring up some shit."

MEMORANDUM FOR THE RECORD

SUBJECTS: FRANK STURGIS AND HOWARD HUNT

1. In his book, Give Us This Day ("The Inside Story of the CIA and the Bay of Pigs
Invasion...) on pages 98 to 103, HUNT gives an account of some of the activities of
Pedro Diaz Lanz, who defected from Castro Cuba in mid-1959 as the first chief of
Castro's air force. HUNT points out that in October 1959 Diaz Lanz piloted a small plane
dumping hundreds of anti- Castro leaflets over Havana. Diaz Lanz's copilot on the flight
is identified as FRANK FIORINI. HUNT goes on to describe what would be personal
contacts with Pedro Diaz Lanz in the Miami area, utilizing the services of BERNARD
BARKER in his contacts with Diaz Lanz and other Cubans. HUNT further describes his
attempts to involve Diaz Lanz with the Agency in the invasion, but HUNT'S overtures
were not accepted by Headquarters. The concluding paragraph of this account states:

After the invasion the Kennedy Administration could not do enough for
Manuel Ray. A cozy post was secured for him in Puerto Rico as Chief of
Munoz Marin's housing projects. I am sure that no equal effort was made
in behalf of Pedro Diaz Lanz, for our national tradition has become one of
shabby discrimination against known anti-Communists."

NOTE: HUNT'S contacts with Diaz Lanz occurred during the period circa
October 1960 to circa November 1961 while HUNT was assigned to
JMWAVE, Miami.

2. Office or Security files #202 792 and 351 502 concern Pedro Luis Diaz
Lanz, but reveal no use of Diaz Lanz in the Cuban invasion or other
Agency operational matters. File # 202 923 concerns Marcos Diaz Lanz,
the brother of Pedro Diaz Lanz. The file reflects that Marcos Diaz Lanz
was Deputy Chief of Castro's air force until his defection in July 1959,
effected by this Agency by his exfiltration from Cuba clandestinely. For the
purposes of instant memorandum, it is of note that his file contains an
Agency Information Report stating, "According to Colonel Oscar Morales
Lopez, Chief of Aviateca - the Guatemalan Government-owned airline --
Commandante Pedro Diaz Lanz, former inspector of the Cuban rebel air
force, Captain Sergio Diaz, and Captain FRANK FIORINI, also formerly
with the rebel air force, arrived in Guatemala on December 30, 1959, and
immediately contacted him. They had a card from the Guatemalan
Ambassador in Washington, and said that they had been in the United
States in the first part of December and had talked with important officials
of the government. The three wanted to talk with President Miguel
Ydigoras Fuentes to obtain moral support for their anti-Castro activities."

There is no information showing the mutual involvement of STURGIS with
the Diaz Lanz brothers in anti-Castro activities until at least the Summer of
1963.

3. Information in the file of FRANK ANTHONY STURGIS reflects that from
circa May 1960 to at least January 1961, STURGIS was living in the

Miami area training a group of Cuban and American volunteers for a
military invasion of Cuba. By October 1960, the FBI had determined that
STURGIS' only activities in anti-Castro matters were in conjunction with
the activities of Pedro Diaz Lanz, who was one of the leaders of the anti-
Castro group, "Liberation Alliance." reportedly, STURGIS' invasion group,
in January 1961 was calling itself, "Brigada Internacionale," with variations
of "International Anti-Communist Brigade." One of the sub-units of the
Brigade was identified in the press in July 1961 as being a paratroop unit
called "Intercontinental Penetration Force" or INTERPEN. The
commander of INTERPEN was identified as GERALD PATRICK
HEMMING, Jr. (#429 229) The Office of Security file of STURGIS contains
nothing further until October 1968, when his arrest was announced in
October 1968- while still heading the "International Anti-Communist
Brigade" - for his involvement in a group attempting to enter Guatemala to
"clean out anti-Guatemalan guerrillas." At that time FIORINI claimed that
two men who were sponsoring his operation were Bob Howell, allegedly a
friend of the Kennedy family, and a General Biddle, member of the John
Birch Society.

4. To return to the events of the early 1960's, in July 1962 an article
appeared in The New Orleans States Item by Bill Stuckey, concerning an
anti-Castro training base established on the north shore of Lake
Pontchartrain. This unit was identified as INTERPEN, headed by GERALD
PATRICK HEMMING Jr. The article inferred that INTERPEN was still part
of STURGIS' International Anti-Communist Brigade. This particular unit
received nationwide publicity when District Attorney Jim Garrison alleged
that INTERPEN was involved in the assassination of President John F.
Kennedy, and that INTERPEN members were connected with the CIA.

5. The above noted Bill Stuckey who wrote the July 1962 press article
about INTERPEN and HEMMING is identical with the William Stuckey
who interviewed LEE HARVEY OSWALD during a public broadcast in
New Orleans in August 1963. According to testimony in the Warren
Commission Hearings by William Stuckey and CARLOS BRINGUIER,
(Cuban Student Directorate Delegate in New Orleans) in early August
1963, LEE HARVEY OSWALD came to BRINGUIER'S New Orleans
clothing store announcing that he, OSWALD, was a former Marine trained
in guerrilla warfare who wanted to join an anti-Castro guerrilla group in
New Orleans. (NOTE: Many of the INTERPEN group were ex-Marines, as
was FRANK STURGIS.) BRINGUIER claims he stalled OSWALD and
several days later encountered OSWALD on the streets of New Orleans
passing out "Fair Play For Cuba" leaflets. The encounter led to a
disturbance, and OSWALD and BRINGUIER were arrested. BRINGUIER
subsequently alerted STUCKEY to OSWALD, which resulted in the
broadcast interview. It is of note that BRINGUIER inferred he was
knowledgeable of the anti-Castro guerrilla group training on the North

shore of Lake Pontchartrain, and even collected funds for the travel of two
of the members to Miami when the group was disbanded.

6. The individual in INTERPEN of most interest to Garrison was Loran
Eugene Hall (OS #348 627), who ostensibly arrived in Dallas, Texas, in
October 1963, remaining until after President Kennedy was shot. Garrison
also alleged that Hall was involved with the Minutemen. The Hall file
reflects that in August 1963 Hall was in Southern California, where he
spoke before numerous meetings of the John Birch Society attempting to
raise funds for anti-Castro planned invasion of Cuba scheduled for mid-
September 1963.

7. In June 1972 FRANK STURGIS, E. HOWARD HUNT, BERNARD
BARKER and others were arrested while burglarizing the headquarters of
the Democratic National Committee at the Watergate, Washington, D.C.

Jerry Brown had his suspicions that HUNT, BARKER and HEMMING were mixed up
with OSWALD, or at least moved in the same circles. Why was this document classified
Eyes Only, and why was Jerrold G. Brown wary about pursuing his investigation in this
direction? The Rockefeller investigation could have gone in this direction. The final
verdict of the Rockefeller Commission: "Numerous allegations have been made that the
CIA participated in the assassination of President Kennedy.. .On the basis of the staff's
investigation, the Commission concluded there was no credible evidence of any CIA
involvement."

The Office of the Inspector General of the CIA generated this index card:

STURGIS, FRANK

January 29, 1 974, January 31 , 1 974

J. Horton,

Matt MacVane

DDO/DCD FILE REVIEW 741
Luis Desa-Soto
IG File 34, Tab 1

DCD/Miami to DCD/ Washington, Cable 12480

Subj: FRANK STURGIS, Convicted Watergate Burglar (Agency relations with
STURGIS)

Matthew Chatten MacVane is a Marine in Viet Nam. Matt MacVane
was awarded the Nations 2nd highest honor for Valor; The Navy
Cross. While an agent for the CIA Matt has gathered intelligence
information from the Caribbean, Central and South America and
scores of other locales. Matt has traveled around the world to
satisfy the needs of clients and worked in various cities in China,
India, Turkey and Australia. Matt MacVane has negotiated with, and
secured from South American rebel forces, kidnapped U.S.

businessmen, bringing life or death incidences to a successful conclusion and
protecting the client’s personal, financial and professional welfare.
[http://matt.macvane.com] John Ryder Horton, 86, a CIA senior executive in the
directorate of operations who became chief of the Soviet bloc division, died June 3,
2007. He had bladder cancer. Horton joined the CIA in 1948 and was chief of station in
Hong Kong, Uruguay and Mexico. He was in Mexico during the 1968 student riots. He
was chief of the Western Hemisphere division before retiring in 1975 as chief of the
Soviet bloc division, covering the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact nations. He
received the CIA's Distinguished Intelligence Medal.
[http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-
dyn/content/article/2007/06/07/AR2007060702354.html]

CAR THIEF

In 1973 the Justice Department decided to prosecute STURGIS for Interstate
Transportation of Stolen Motor Vehicles stemming from his abortive attempt to hijack a
Soviet freighter. STURGIS' codefendants were Max Gonzalez, Jerry Buchanan and two
unindicted coconspirators, Richard G. Brown and Robert Curtis. In Texas, Buchanan
claimed the whole car theft case was merely a government ploy to force STURGIS to
talk about Watergate.

MEMORANDUM FOR RECORD November 21, 1973
SUBJECTS: FRANK STURGIS and William Johnson.

1. On November 16, 1973, Sidney Stembridge AC/OPS/PSI referred a
request to the undersigned from Mr. Gary Breneman, Office of General
Counsel. Mr. Breneman requested the source of information previously
given in a June 20, 1972, memorandum concerning the activities of Mr.
FRANK STURGIS with anti-Castro emigre groups during 1960. With the
concurrence of Stembridge, the undersigned provided Mr. Breneman with
Xeroxed copies of FBI reports contained in Mr. STURGIS' file which
provided the basis for the information in the June 1 972 memorandum.

2. On November 19, 1973, Mr. Gary Breneman, Office of General
Counsel, contacted Mr. Leo J. Dunn's office requesting traces and
information on a William J. Johnson, Jr. This request was forwarded to the
undersigned. It was further developed from Mr. Breneman that his request
had been prompted by a query from the United States Attorney, Miami,
Florida, who is prosecuting the case against Mr. STURGIS on charges
stemming from indictment on transporting stolen automobiles across the
Mexican border in 1968. According to information relayed by
Mr.Breneman, an individual by the name of William J. Johnson (DPOD:
February 11, 1931, New York City) was prepared to come forward at
STURGIS trial and claim that he was a CIA employee and that he

recruited STURGIS to take part in an alleged CIA operations against Cuba
in 1968.

3. With concurrence from Sidney Stembridge, AC/OPS/PS, a Xerox copy
of a Western Hemisphere Division, Task Force W memorandum of 1962
was provided Mr. Breneman on November 19, 1973. This memo was
located in file # 348 309 and concerned a commentary on an article
written by Edith Roosevelt. This reference connected a William J. Johnson
with FRANK STURGIS in a 1961 indictment for smuggling. This incident
involved STURGIS and one William J. Johnson in an overflight and anti-
Castro leaflet drop mission in Cuba unrelated to any Agency program.

This was the only trace developed on a William J. Johnson. No
employment relationship could be established and Mr. Breneman was so
informed.

4. Further research into the Sturgis security file turned up a reference to a
Tony W. Johnson in a Bureau report with information of January 1961. A
Bureau source stated that he received a letter offering him the opportunity
to join FIORINI’s International Brigade. The letter further stated that a
mutual friend from the FORCE RECON, First Marine Division, on “Tony”
Johnson was also being contacted. On the strength that Tony could
possibly be a nickname used by William Johnson, this information was
relayed to Mr. Breneman on November 20, 1973. Mr. Breneman's office
was also reminded of the Third Agency Rule' which precluded the
passage of Bureau reports to other parties. His office was also advised in
response to his request, that the Miami Field Office was believed to have
already forwarded all information on hand concerning STURGIS to
Headquarters. It was further deemed inadvisable to involve the Miami
Field Office in local investigation of individuals connected with the
STURGIS court case out of concern for prejudicing the proceedings.

Lawrence Howe.

In STURGIS' Motion for Discovery he wrote: "The Defendant has been indicted at Bar
for alleged activities in the United States and Mexico in the year 1968; it is essential to
the Defendant's defense to show his past connections and working agreements with
and employment by the CIA." [FBI 26-425217-36] In early 1974 STURGIS was
incarcerated for his Watergate activities. On January 31 , 1974, STURGIS asked to meet
with an Agency representative. [CIA MFR Harold G. Tittsler] On September 12, 1974,
the U.S. Court of Appeals in New Orleans upheld STURGIS' ITSMV conviction. [St.
Pierre Memo 10.25.74] STURGIS was released on appeal bond.

On October 18, 1974, this FBI memo was generated:

TO: SAC, Miami (89-35)

FROM: ASAC Frederick F. Fox

SUBJECT : Assassination of John Kennedy, Dallas, Texas, AFO

At approximately 5:15 p.m., October 17, 1974, I discussed with S.A. W.
Douglas Gow, Supervisor, Division G, Bureau, above captioned matter. I
told Supervisor Gow that FRANK STURGIS was in Miami and presently
out on bond. Fie was convicted in an ITSMV case and appealed this
conviction. The conviction was upheld, but STURGIS, being represented
by an attorney, has asked the court for a reduction in sentence. The judge
has taken this under advisement for 90 days. It was pointed out to
Supervisor Gow that FRANK STURGIS has been for many years a source
of information for columnist Jack Anderson in Washington, D.C. It was
explained to Supervisor Gow that contact with STURGIS could not be
discreet and undoubtedly Jack Anderson would learn of the contact, as
well as STURGIS' attorney. In addition, STURGIS might use the contact
by FBI Agents as a bargaining point with the court that he was cooperating
with the FBI. Supervisor Gow called back and advised this lead should be
held in abeyance until after the interview with E. FIOWARD FIUNT. [FBI
Miami 89-35-410 10.18.74]

On December 3, 1 974, this FBI document was generated:

United States Government Memorandum

TO: SAC Miami
FROM: SA J. St. Pierre

SUBJECT: Assassination of John F. Kennedy, Dallas, Texas.

Re ASAG Memo October 18, 1974, and Miami Memo SA St. Pierre,
October 25, 1974. In as much as Bureau has requested no further inquiry
in this matter is suggested this case be closed. Destroy on December 3,

1979. [FBI 89-35-413; NARA 124-10265-10136; NARA 1 24-1 0265-1 01 35]

STURGIS was willing to supply the FBI with information on the Kennedy assassination if
the FBI got him a lighter sentence in his ITSMV case. The FBI, however, was not
dealing. STURGIS received a nine month sentence, probably lighter than he expected.
When STURGIS was released later that year, he worked for Carlos Prio Soccarras and
organized a "Cuban Exile Unity Party" that sent a delegation to an Organization of
American States meeting at which peaceful coexistence with Cuba was debated. Carlos
Prio Soccarras attended this meeting.

THE KISSINGER ASSASSINATION PLOT: STURGIS 1975

In 1975 Orlando Bosch convinced the Chilean Junta to sponsor the assassination of a
relative of Salvador Allende who was living in Costa Rica. This plot was the cover for a
plan to assassinate Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. STURGIS learned of the plot

and informed Miami Police Department Detective Danny Benitez, who passed the
information to Lt. Lyons of the Dade County Public Safety Office, who gave it to the
United States Secret Service. STURGIS was question in the course of HUNT v.
WEBERMAN in 1978:

Q. Did you inform the United States Government about a plot against
Henry Kissinger in Latin America; specifically, in Costa Rica, that involved
Orlando Bosch?

A. Let me say this. I notified the American Government of an international
plot to kill Mr. Kissinger. Let me say this, change that a little bit around --
not around, I'm sorry. I notified the American Government that there was a
plot to disrupt, and possibly to do harm to Mr. Kissinger and, also, the
president of a foreign country when he would arrive to this country. Yes, I
advised the Government of this plot.

At the end of a CIA list of FBI documents on STURGIS, the following entry appeared:
"Subject: Threat to Assassinate Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and the President of
Venezuela 24 April 1975 (Teletype to State CIA et al) No File Number."

To: DC, Miami

From: Director, FBI

UNSUBSS: ALLEGED PLOT TO ASSASSINATE SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY
KISSINGER AND PRESIDENT OF VENEZUELA

IS - CUBA

This will confirm information orally furnished to SA Joseph Ball, Miami
Office by SA V. B. Miner on 4/22/75. On 4/22/75, Robert Olson,
Commission on CIA activities in the U.S. (Rockefeller Commission)
contacted the Bureau. He indicated he had been called earlier by Frank
Sturgis in connection with Sturgis' testimony before the Commission. At
that time, Sturgis indicated to Olson that there was a group known as the
Latin American Anti-Communist League in Miami which is making plans to
assassinate Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and the President of
Venezuela. Olson indicated that Sturgis was at his home in Miami,
telephone Number 305-6S1-6263, and address 2515 N.W. 122 Street,

Miami, Florida, 22167. Olson advised that he had on objection to our
contacting Sturgis however, since he had committed himself to recontact
Sturgis he would call him and advise him that he would be contacted by
representatives of our Miami Office. The Miami Office was telephonically
advised to contact Sturgis bearing in mind his propensity for publicity; to
obtain all pertinent information and to eutel the results. Keep Bureau
advised of all pertinent developments.

The notes of an unnamed Rockefeller Commission investigator read:

April 22, 1975. Has information regarding Miami people, possibly including
some Cuban Americans & possibly including some people of past CIA
contact, are planning to go to Venezuela to assassinate Henry Kissinger
and the President of Venezuela on Henry Kissinger's forthcoming trip
there. Dr. de Cardenas, Latin American Anti-Communist League may be
involved. Called John Mintz at FBI and gave him above
information. ..called STURGIS back, told him the FBI will be contacting
him.

When the State Department received this information, it arranged for Orlando Bosch's
arrest on February 19, 1976, for entering Venezuela on a fraudulent passport. Orlando
Bosch: "The reports that I was going to kill Henry Kissinger are stupid and grotesque.
They said I was held because I intended to assassinate the American Secretary of
State, but I was in Costa Rica long before Kissinger arrived, and in fact, I did not even
know he was coming." The Interior Minister of Costa Rica told the press that Orlando
Bosch intended to kill Henry Kissinger for being a Castro collaborationist, since Henry
Kissinger advocated restoring diplomatic relations with Cuba. In March 1976 Manuel
Artime arranged for Orlando Bosch's release, explaining: "I don't agree with his politics,
but he is a friend."

ROBERTO DE CARDENAS

CONTACT REPORT DATE: June 30, 1972

AGENT: OZ-STEER/1 CASE OFFICER: (Deleted)

1. Contact was initiated with OZ-STEER/1 to discuss Roberto de
Cardenas. Cardenas was previously described by (Deleted) as an
individual who one worked for the Agency both in Miami and the Congo.
He is a friend of BARKER of the Washington break-in scandal. Cardenas
was unemployed until 1972 but now, suddenly, he is traveling to South
America and has become affluent. OZ-STEER/1 speculated that
Cardenas may be dealing in narcotics.

2. Also note a New York Times article of June 28, 1972 concerning the
Washington break-in affair. This article states that an individual appeared
on the Miami scene about two months ago and recruited the team for the
break-in. The recruiter was described as a pipe smoker who used a code
name...

3. OZSTEER/1 is skeptical of the NYT article as written, because in his
opinion no Cuban could be recruited by an unknown individual using a
code name. Considering the clandestine operational mentality of many
Cubans in Miami are recruitments could only be made by a known
recruiter with adequate bona tides [HOWARD HUNT],

a. Cardenas was born about 1919. In 1954 he was a captain with Cubana
airlines. In 1954 - 1955 he was arrested in Havana by Major Ochos for
smuggling cocaine. Due to political pull, Cardenas was not prosecuted,
but was fired from his position. He retired to his farm in Cuba from 1954 to
1959.

b. From 1959 to 1960 he was in the Castro air force. There he met
FIORINI, also involved in the Washington break-in scandal. In 1960, in
Miami, OZ-STEER/1 was in the FIORINI home when Cardenas dropped
in. Also present was Diaz Lanz, former Chief of the Castro air force.
Cardenas was then working closely with BARKER in Cuba exile (unity)
activity on behalf of Artime. At the time OZ-STEER/1 met Cardenas at the
FIORINI home he told OZ-STEER/1 to go to a house on Brickell Avenue.
OZ-STEER/1 did and there he met Artime for the first time.

c. (At this time a Case Officer named "Jimmy" was handling both BARKER
and Cardenas. "Jimmy" spoke excellent Cuban Spanish.)

d. From 1962 to 1965 Cardenas worked with the Agency under the cover
firm (Deleted) (Cardenas case officer during this period was (Deleted).

e. In 1965 the Agency sent Cardenas to OZ-STEER/1 the Congo. In the
Congo Cardenas claimed to have a heart attack and was hospitalized. He
was later proven medically sound and released from his Congo
assignment.

f. During 1967 to 1968 Cardenas drove a truck in the Miami area. Between
1969 and 1970 to 1971 Cardenas sold mutual funds in South America.
(GRAMCO and others) This ended when the funds went bankrupt.

g. In 1971 Cardenas was economically down. In early 1972 he started
traveling again and became affluent. OZ-STEER/1 believes Cardenas is
involved in drugs.

In March 1975 STURGIS and Jerry Buchanan received letters of commendation from
the Miami Office of the Drug Enforcement Administration. The letter read:

Dear Judge Clyde Atkins: I would like to call to your attention the fact that
Mr. FRANK STURGIS has assisted the DEA by lending support and
guidance to Mr. Jerry Buchanan during the investigation (case
development) into the activities of Ken Burnstine. Mr. STURGIS directed
Mr. Buchanan to the DEA at the outset of this investigation and provided
aid to Mr. Buchanan during the six month investigation prior to Grand Jury
indictment. This information is furnished for your consideration. David
Costa, Acting Regional Director, DEA.

The CIA's Office of the Inspector General generated this index card: "Assassination,
Homicides, Cuban Operations Tab 3, MFR from Joseph Seltzer, Reference: MFR dated
March 21, 1975, from Mr. Cates, NPIC. Subject: Assassination Plans Against Castro
(Review of C. Jenkins folder, request for info on PATHFINDER." The plans involving
Fidel, to the knowledge the CIA Imagery Analysis Service, were:

(a) A folder, stored in the Photo interpretation area at JMWAVE contained
materials relating to a plan to assassinate Castro in the Bay of Pigs resort
area where he maintained a yacht and was known to vacation. The plan,
possibly with the codeword PATHFINDER, apparently had been
disapproved and was not under active consideration at the time. Our
people did not participate actively in the plan in any regard.

(b) While assigned to the Imagery Analysis Service, a number of our photo
interpreters supported Carl Jenkins of the DD/P concerning a plan to
assassinate Castro at the DuPont Varadero Beach Estate, east of
Havana. Castro was known to frequent the estate and the plan was to use
a high-powered rifle in the attempt. The photo interpretation support was
restricted to providing annotated photographs and line drawings of the
estate. To our knowledge, this plan also was never implemented

Another IG Index card read: "Anti-Castro Counter-Revolutionary Force, Cuban
Operations, Homicides, Cuban Operations Tab 1, FBI Report, Seattle, Washington, (2-
41). Subject: FRANK ANTHONY STURGIS Neutrality Matters (re: Letter from Bob
Rostallon to W. C. Bean concerning Anti-Castro Counterrevolutionary Force - plans to
go into mountains in Cuba as a guerrilla force.)" In June 1963 Joseph Seltzer was the
head of the CIA’s Office of National Estimates where he forwarded a memo on “A
Survey of Possible Soviet Actions.” [http://www.foia.cia.gov/browse_docs.asp] Bob
Rostallon was connected to INTERPEN and may have been killed in Central America.

Rockefeller Commission investigator Robert B. Olsen evaluated STURGIS' reliability:

COMMISSION ON CIA ACTIVITIES WITHIN THE UNITED STATES

WASHINGTON, D.C. 20500

April 23, 1975

MEMORANDUM FOR: FILE

FROM: ROBERT B. OLSEN

SUBJECT : Interview with FRANK STURGIS, April 3, 1 975, and April 4, 1 975.

I have just reviewed the transcript of the taped portion of the interview with
FRANK STURGIS and I am reminded to dictate this memorandum to the
file. It is my impression that very little reliance can be placed on the claims
of FRANK STURGIS that he has engaged in a variety of activities for the
CIA. He appears to be so caught up in the romantic aspects of his own
activities that he finds it difficult to separate fact from fiction.

Prior to his coming to Washington for the interview, he had told me by
telephone that he had concrete evidence to show that President Kennedy
had been assassinated as a result of a conspiracy involving members of
the Cuban crime syndicate and the CIA. He also told me he had
participated in several actual attempts to assassinate Fidel Castro,
including one in New York City, and that these attempts had been
undertaken on behalf of the CIA.

The detailed interview in Washington bore out neither of these claims. The
alleged connection between the CIA, the Cuban crime syndicate, and the
assassination of President Kennedy turned out to be nothing but sheer
speculation on the part of STURGIS. As respects the assassination
attempts on Fidel Castro, it turns out that he had been engaged in plotting
to assassinate Fidel Castro and other Cuban leaders while he was an
official of the Castro Government during early 1959, and that the CIA had
nothing whatever to do with this plotting. Indeed, he states during the
course of the interview that he discussed that plotting with a Colonel
Nichols at the American Embassy in Havana, and was repeatedly asked
not to attempt such assassination. While STURGIS claims that he was
asked by BERNARD BARKER if he would be willing to undertake an
assassination attempt, he acknowledged that he did not even know who
was involved, or whether it was inside or outside the United States. He
admits that the talk among Cubans in Florida of assassinating Castro in
New York hd nothing to do with the CIA

These gross discrepancies between initial flamboyant claims and any hard
evidence give rise to serious questions of credibility. The same is true with
respect to the claims STURGIS makes regarding requests made to him to
undertake ventures on behalf of the CIA. One gets the impression that
STURGIS feels that every contact he has with a government official or
anybody whom he has known to have been an agent or asset of the CIA
has involved a CIA operation.

On the basis of interviews conducted at the CIA, and a review of the
records of the CIA, as well as the interview with FRANK STURGIS, it is
my impression that STURGIS was never employed by the CIA, was never
a contract or other agent of the CIA, was never an informant for the CIA,
and was never asked to undertake any contract operation for the CIA.
However, it appears likely that STURGIS was active in one or more of the
Cuban Revolutionary Front organizations sponsored and financed by the
CIA in the early 1960's, and that in this connection he came into contact
with various people who, in turn, had direct contacts with the Agency.
BERNARD BARKER would be one example.

I intend to check out the claim that STURGIS makes that he was asked in
1968 by a CIA agent (allegedly Joaquin Pedromo Sanjenis) to organize an
operation for the hijacking of a Russian ship, which hijacking was to
involve a demand for release of political prisoners in Cuba, and a demand
for the release of the USS Pueblo by the North Koreans. I also intend to
check out his claims that BERNARD BARKER asked him in 1961 if he
would be willing to take on an assassination of some unknown person.
Incidentally, there is a possible connection on this matter. In 1960 and
1961 E. HOWARD HUNT was active in the organization of a Cuban
Government in exile in the United States. In this role he had contacts with
BERNARD BARKER, who was under contract with the Agency. HUNT
states in his book that he recommended to the Agency that an
assassination of Castro be carried out before or contemporaneously with
the Bay of Pigs invasion. It is not inconceivable that HUNT would have
asked BARKER to check out the possibilities of finding an assassin to
carry out such a job if approval were ever given to his recommendation.
[SSCIA 157-10005-101-46]

Given a receptive environment STURGIS might have talked: "Prior to his coming to
Washington for the interview he had told me by telephone that he had concrete
evidence to show that President Kennedy had been assassinated as a result of a
conspiracy involving members of the Cuban crime syndicate and the CIA." When
STURGIS said he was asked by BARKER (who worked for HUNT), to assassinate an
unknown individual, Olsen assumed it was Castro. STURGIS had detailed numerous
plots against Castro in which he was involved. STURGIS told Canfield this was a
domestic assassination. What STURGIS referred to was the Kennedy assassination.
Olsen also should have realized that HUNT and STURGIS were lying when they said
they did not meet until 1971. BARKER was too close to both men for this to be true.
Portions of transcript of Rockefeller Commission interview with FRANK STURGIS on
April 3, 1975, and April 4, 1975, were withheld for National Security reasons by
withdrawing archivist KBH as of 2010. [Withdrawal Sheet ID 04444 - 018000065 and
04443 - 01 8000065 Box # 4 and #5]

DISINFORMATION 1976

In 1976 STURGIS told United Press International that he was requested to conduct an
investigation of the assassination of President John F. Kennedy by an un named
government agency. The CIA obtained this article and commented:

MEMORANDUM FOR: Director of Central Intelligence

FROM: Raymond A. Warren

Acting Chief, Latin American Division

Via: Deputy Director of Operations

Subject: Washington Star Article on Jack Ruby / Fidel Castro July 9, 1 976:

The Washington Star on July 9, 1976, carries an article entitled "RUBY
Met with Castro, STURGIS Says." In the article, STURGIS claims he knew
that JACK RUBY met in Havana with Fidel Castro ten weeks before the
assassination of President Kennedy and discussed 'the removal of the
President.' STURGIS claims, according to the article, that he had been
assigned to investigate possible involvement of Cuban exiles in the Miami
area in the Kennedy assassination. The article also states that STURGIS
refused to say for what Agency he was working, or gave him the
assignment, but the article indicated that STURGIS was working for the
CIA at the time. For the record, STURGIS continues to allege a CIA
relationship, but no such relationship has ever existed.

DDO/SA/LA [deletedjds July 9, 1976
Distribution:

Orig & 1 - Addressee w/att.

1 - DDCI w/att.

1 - DDO w/att.

1 - A/DCI (Mr. Falkiewicz) w/att.

2 - DDO w/att.

2 - C/LAD w/att.

1 - SA/ LA w/att.

The DD/P signed under "Concur." [Allen v. DOD 7.9.76 CIA 19251-0807]

The Agency reported to the FBI in CSCI3/779814 on January 30, 1964
that an unevaluated and unconfirmed report of a visit by Ruby to Cuba. In
late 1962 or early 1963 had been received from Havana. This report was
actually based on a two page mimeograph newsletter entitled, “Accion”
which was mailed from Cuba in an envelope postmarked December 28,

1963, purportedly by an underground anti-Castro group. This newsletter
received in Miami on January 13, 1964 by the anti-Castro group known as
the DRE, was widely circulated in the Cuban exile community and was the
subject of a newspaper article in the January 29 edition of the Miami News
under the headline, “Ruby Visited Cuba — Exiles Say” (WAVE 1283
January 1964)

The CIA's Office of the Inspector General generated an index card on July 9, 1976, that
contained the words assassinations, J. F. Kennedy, S.D. Breckinridge, STURGIS, Mr.
Buchen, Tom White, Jack Ruby, BERNARD BARKER, Joe Loftus, Washington Star,
Bob Wall, Chris Hopkins, AMLUNCH-1 and was titled "Assassinations - JFK TAB 25
MFR by Breckinridge. Subj: White House Inquiry re FRANK STURGIS."

9 July 1976

MEMORANDUM FOR THE RECORD

SUBJECT: White House Inquiry Re Frank Sturgis, aka Florini.

1. Tom White of OLC called to say that Mr. Buchen of the White House
had reacted to a story in today's Star in which Sturgis claims that he
reported to unnamed government agencies that Jack Ruby had visited
Havana ten weeks prior to the assassination of President Kennedy, that
he met with Castro at which time he discussed "removal of the president",
the purchase of arms and smuggling of drugs into the U. S. Buchen
wanted to know what is behind it. Tom asked that we find out if the
Agency had contacts with Sturgis (knowing that he was not an Agency
employee or agent), if Sturgis made such a report to the Agency and what
did we tell the Warren Commission. I phoned Joe Loftus in LA Division
and Bob Wall in Cl Staff.

2. Joe Loftus got in touch with me, with Chris Hopkins on the phone, and
she said that Bernard Barker (of Watergate fame) did have contact with
Sturgis from time to time. Barker had been known as a CIA man and
Sturgis did pass information to him, some of which Barker reported.
However, we advanced no money for Barker to give Sturgis; if Barker did
pay him anything we don't know it. Bob Wall turned up a report of Ruby
travel to Havana, which seemed to come from an anonymous letter that
was confirmed by an agent in Miami (AMLUNCH-I), not Sturgis. I passed
this information, in some additional detail, to Tom White. S. D.
Breckinridge

The CIA's Office of the Inspector General generated an index card on August 17, 1976,
that contained the names "George K. McConnell, STURGIS, Dennis Berend, MAG
Members, UPI that was a memo for MAG Members, Subject, STURGIS' Claims,
reference, Memo, undated, (ER 76-8949) from George K. McConnell, from Dennis
Berend, Deputy Assistant to DCI." [CIA IG FILE #57, Tab 2] Berend was an Assistant
Public Affairs Officer. George K. McConnell worked in the Dominican Republic under
diplomatic cover from 1 970 - 1 971 .

MEMORANDUM FOR MAG MEMBERS April 17, 1976
REFERENCE: MEMO (UNDATED) for George K. McConnell (ER 76-
8949)

SUBJECT STURGIS CLAIMS

1. In his most recent appearances, Sturgis has become quite cautious
about passing himself off as a veteran of CIA exploits. Please note that
the UPI item attached to the referenced memorandum cites him as
refusing to say for which agency he was working in his latest escapade.
The notation that "records have indicated that he was working for the CIA
at about that time" was added gratuitously by UPI.

2. Our Office in this particular case called the Miami television station
which originally did the Sturgis interview, the Miami and Washington UPI
bureaus, the Washington AP bureau, both Washington newspapers, and a
Washington TV station which aired the Miami interview. In these calls we
tried to set the record straight by citing the Rockefeller Commission
findings. The Miami TV station included our remarks in a subsequent
continuation of its Sturgis interview. UPI in Miami also issued a new story
to include our disclaimer. None of the Washington media picked up the
disclaimer, but all of them promised not to be taken in again by anyone's
claims that Sturgis had CIA links.

3. Whether there is basis for legal action against Sturgis, as suggested in
the referenced memorandum, would have to be determined by OGC. We
suggest that little, if anything, would be gained by providing him a new
opportunity to garner headlines.

Dennis Berend
Deputy Assistant to the
Director of Central Intelligence

On August 10, 1976, STURGIS gave the FBI in Washington, D.C., a memorandum by
former Miami Metro Police Intelligence Chief and anti-Castro Cuban, Alphonso
Tarabouchia. Al Tarabouchia, an associate of STURGIS, worked for James Sourwine,
Chief Counsel to Senator James O. Eastland's Senate Internal Security Subcommittee.
James Sourwine was involved in financing the Bayo-Pawley raid known as Operation
Crypt. [HSCA VI 2 p65] In 1964 Al Tarabouchia had told the Warren Commission that
he had a source in the Cuban Embassy, Mexico City, who would tell the Commission
what really happened during OSWALD'S visit to Mexico City. When the Commission
asked him to reveal the name of his source, he refused. [HSCA VI 2 pi 76] Tarabouchia
would later work for the Anacapa Consulting Corporation whose other employees
included James B. Howlett and Ben Wood, formerly of the Law Enforcement
Intelligence Unit. [Inquiry 7.79] The Al Tarabouchia memo stated that the Jose Antonio
Lanusa of the DRE had information that OSWALD met with G-2 agent Solomon
Pratkins before the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. STURGIS told the FBI
that S.A. James O'Conner had seen the document in 1964, and "advised people not to
talk about it because it might jeopardize their lives." STURGIS advised the FBI that he
would be willing to submit to an interview about his allegations while being polygraphed.
The FBI gave him an FD-328, "Consent to Interview with Polygraph Release Form."

STURGIS looked it over, but never signed it or took the test. In September 1976 The
National Star featured an article by Steve Dunleavy about the Al Tarabouchia
Memorandum. In 1977 Malcolm Abrams did an article for the Midnight/Globe: "Castro
Lied to Barbara Walters. Hard Evidence Links OSWALD" based on STURGIS' charges.
STURGIS did not believe Castro was behind the Kennedy assassination. This was
merely anti-Castro propaganda. STURGIS told Robert Olsen of the Rockefeller
Commission: "Knew a Cuban woman who was with Castro brothers when Kennedy
assassinated. They were alarmed. Feared reprisal. Indicates Castro didn't plan the
assassination. She wanted to talk to someone at the top, has forgotten her name."

CARLOS PRIO SOCCARRAS AND WATERGATE

In 1972 the name of Carlos Prio Soccarras surfaced in the Watergate affair. Besides his
association with STURGIS, Carlos Prio Soccarras was associated with Humberto
Lopez, another member of the White House/Special Operations Group. Humberto
Lopez was the Secretary of the Authentico Party of Carlos Prio Soccarras. The
Authentico Party had offices located next to those of BERNARD BARKER. Humberto
Lopez told the FBI that he went to Washington, D.C., in early May 1972 as BARKER'S
guest. While in Washington, he stayed with STURGIS. Rolando Martinez and Virgilio
Gonzalez, who were members of the White House/Special Operations Group, were also
members of the Authentico Party. [FBI 139-4089-346] Manuel Artime told the FBI that
Carlos Prio Soccarras had "lent some money out" to Watergate figures. The FBI
questioned the son-in-law of Carlos Prio Soccarras, Alfredo Duran, about his
relationship with HUNT. He said that he had "heard of HOWARD HUNT since the ill-
fated Bay of Pigs invasion, but has known him personally for approximately two years.
He stated that he (illegible) HUNT as a representative of a public relations firm in
Washington, D.C., in connection with the Haitian real estate holdings in which he is
involved." [FBI Document poor copy from carbon 2.23.73 Miami Florida 139-323 S.A.
deleted pi 6] Alfredo Duran's stepfather was Anselmo Alliegro. At approximately 8:00
a.m. on April 5, 1977, Carlos Prio Soccarras, 74, died of a self-inflicted gunshot wound
to the chest with a Colt 2" .38 caliber weapon. Two gardeners, Griner and Clarke, heard

...what they thought was a gunshot and immediately stood up and looked
into the garage of 5070 Alton Road where they seen a man sitting upright
in a chaise lounge chair that was in a semi upright position. They
observed this man who they described in what they thought was a pink
bathrobe slumped backwards in the chaise lounge chair. Both Griner and
Clarke observed what appeared to be blood coming from the front chest
area of the man. Both Griner and Clarke then ran out onto Alton Road
where they observed, and flagged down, a uniformed police car who was
occupied by Officer Chandler. Prio was found lying on a lounge chair with
a wound in the left side of his chest. Dade County Medical Examiner Ron
Wright discovered "soot depositation with the wound" which indicated that
the fatal shot was fired at point blank range. Cause of death: Contact
gunshot wound of chest. [Ron Wright Office of Miami Med. Exam. Case
No. 77-892]

Miami Beach Policeman Ed Avila, who arrived on the scene at approximately 8:17 a.m.
Fire Rescue and their attending physician, Dr. Jorge Vasquez, was already on the
scene. Avila:

I talked to him and he nodded yes and no. I asked him if he was hurting, if
he was in pain, and he nodded no. I asked him if anybody shot him and he
nodded no. I asked him if he shot himself and he nodded yes.

Ed Avila, had met Carlos Prio Soccarras in Cuba in the early 1950's. [HSCA Memo
Fonzi to Tannenbaum 4.24.77] When Carlos Prio Soccarras died, he was bankrupt and
had recently testified that he owed Puerto Rican banks more than $2 million. Prio had
redrawn his will eight days before he died. [Miami Herald 5.24.77] His death was clearly
a suicide. [NARA HSCA 180-10092-10075] Gaeton Fonzi agreed. [Memo 4.24.77 Fonzi
to Tannenbaum 014581] Upon his death, the former head of the Cuban Revolutionary
Council, Tony Varona, took over the leadership of the Authentico Party. On June 14,
1964, the FBI SAC in Miami sent this message to the FBI Director: "Subject Varone
FAG (00:Miami) ReBulet to Miami May 13, 1964. Antonio Varona aka Tony Varone is
probably identical with Manuel Antonio Varona (deleted). By memo to the Director, FBI
June 10, 1960 (deleted)." [FBI 46-50437-2] On November 26, 1968, Diario De Las
Americas published Tony Varona's statement that Castro agents were responsible for a
November 22, 1968, assassination attempt against Julio Aton Constanzo Falau. On
December 6, 1968, the CIA received a report from Julio Aton Constanzo Falau, and his
brother Avelino, that Francisco Varona Alonzo had visited Julio Aton Constanzo Falau
at Jackson Memorial Hospital:

Varona and Constanzo talked about the possible authors of this
assassination attempt, and Varona assured Constanzo that the persons
who had masterminded the assassination attempt were Joaquin Pedromo
Sanjenis, Vincent Zorrilla and Manuel Villafana. Varona told Constanzo
that the persons who had actually executed the assassination attempt
were Richardo Morales Navarrette, Francisco Rodriguez Tamayo, aka 'El
Mejicano' and a man known as 'El Gaalego... According to Varona,
Joaquin Pedromo Sanjenis, Zorrilla and Villafana planned the
assassination attempt following instructions from 'the American named
Enrique, the Argentine.' Constanzo then told Varona that this was very
strange, as he could not understand why those men would want to
assassinate him. Varona replied that they wanted to eliminate him
(Constanzo) for the simple reason that the latest infiltration operations
which had been carried out against Cuba, using Teofilo Babun's ships,
were exposing and ridiculing Joaquin Pedromo Sanjenis 201-266348),
who was the action Chief of the CIA. Varona said that all the operations
which had been carried out under the direction of Joaquin Pedromo
Sanjenis and his contact had cost a great deal of money, with the
cheapest one costing at least $80,000, and all of them had been a failure,
while the operation which Constanzo had carried out had been successful
and their cost insignificant. When Constanzo asked Varona whether he

(Varona) did not also belong to the CIA group in Miami, Varona said it was
true that he worked for the CIA, but that he acted as a Political Chief with
a regard to Cuban affairs, and that he had directed dealings with
Washington. Varona said that as Political Chief, he was obliged to report
this matter, and that he had already reported it also to the police and the
FBI. With regard to the FBI, Varona said he had reported the matter to a
man named O'Brien. Varona also told Constanzo that the attempts to burn
down his house and to shoot up his automobile had also been ordered by
Zorrilla...

Higinio Diaz aka Nino Diaz had also been spreading a story among Cuban
exiles, saying that (Deleted) knows that identity of the authors of the
attempt to assassinate Constanzo, trying to involved (Deleted) in this
happening.

On December 2, 1968, and December 3, 1968, 1-41 reported to 1-32 that
Varona was saying that now he was going to destroy 1-1 completely
because he had trapped 1-1 in something and 1-1 would not be able to get
out of this trap. Varona said this to 1-41 with so much emphasis, and so
sure of himself, that when 1-41 and E-65 reported this to 1-32 they took it
as fact

Pancho Varona is not a friend of Julio Anton Constanzo Palau, or his
brother Avelino, just an acquaintance and this reason the Constanzo
brothers find it very strange that Varona has taken such an interest in
allegedly defending Julio Aton Constanzo. Avelino Constanzo believes
that Varona is using his brother for propaganda purposes.

During the last two weeks of November 1968 Varona has talked to E-65
and other persons who were at E-65’s establishment. While they were
talking about politics, Varona said, “If Humphrey had won the election I
would have had it, and Sanjenis would have won. But Nixon won so
Sanjenis is the one who has had it, and I have placed myself at the
highest levels.” When Varona made this statement he sounded so sure of
what he was saying that E-65 was impressed with regard to Varona’s
access to high circles surrounding NIXON. [CIA From 1-1 To ARGO IRIS
12.6.68 533022]

Tony Varona died on October 31 , 1 992 of cancer, at age 83.

ANGOLA: 1977

On January 19, 1977, the CIA Plans Division sent a three-page attachment to the Office
of Security: "Official Routing Slip to (Deleted) For your retention or passage to anyone in
the Office of Security who might have interest in attachment. From CIA." The
attachments, three Office of Security documents, were withheld as of 2010 "as they are

not germane. STURGIS' name did not appear in this material." In May 1977 STURGIS
told an FBI source he is now associated with "Afro-Cuban Committee" to train men in
Angola and Zaire. In June 1977 STURGIS flew to England and conferred with
individuals interested in overthrowing the pro-Castro Government of Angola. In August
1977 source of Miami Field Office of Domestic Collection Division met with STURGIS
on June 5, 1977, regarding plans to establish Cuban Government in exile on Angolan
soil "with the help of Flolden Roberto (FNLA)." [STURGIS Chronology assembled by
Fonzi]

When STURGIS returned to the United States in 1978 , he resurrected the story of
"OSWALD'S secret flight to Cuba from the Yucatan peninsula," and he claimed to have
obtained a Secret FBI document that quoted nine CIA and FBI sources as having had
knowledge of the visit. STURGIS refused to name these sources, "for their own
protection." The FBI determined that the secret document was a March 24, 1964,
interview of JOFIN MARTINO, by James O'Conner, at Miami. [FBI 105-8342 3.24.64]
The FBI:

The document referred to in the article appears to be the MARTINO FD-
302 since points of information appearing in the article do appear in the
FD-302. The article alleges nine names appear in the FD-302, but any
nine of these do not readily lend themselves to the definition of a 'contact'
as suggested in the article. The article quotes purported excerpts from the
document which agree, in part, with information contained in the FD-302,
but which are not comparable on a word for word basis. In the article,
STURGIS is alleged to have told the FBI, in a past interview that LEE
HARVEY OSWALD was in Miami, Florida, prior to the assassination of
President Kennedy and did attempt to infiltrate anti-Castro organizations.

While the alleged infiltration is not mentioned in the MARTINO FD-302,
STURGIS was interviewed by a Bureau Agent on January 14, 1964,
concerning that specific point and he labeled the information as false. The
article and FD-302 mentioned a fight OSWALD is alleged to have had in
Miami, Florida, and Bureau Agents interviewed the allegedly combatant on
March 26, 1964. While this person denied being personally involved with
OSWALD, he claimed OSWALD had been in a fight, but could provide no
details. His recognition of OSWALD was based on publicity following the
John F. Kennedy assassination. The article and FD-302 refer to a trip
OSWALD is alleged to have made from Mexico to Cuba during September
1963. The FD-302 points out that this information supposedly originated
with a 'girlfriend' of OSWALD'S who resided in Mexico. [FBI Itr. To USAG
from Director, FBI 7.19.77]

THOMAS HOLT

On October 4, 1978, a document was generated by David R. Wiser of the Drug
Enforcement Administration a copy of which was sent to Peter F. Gruden of the DEA.
Peter Gruden, head of the Miami DEA office, offered a group of Mexicans $50,000 to

kidnap a doctor who had been involved in the death of a DEA agent in Mexico. [Wash.
Post 5.26.90] The Subject of the memo was "JFK, Conspiracy Theory, Assassination,
STURGIS, FRANK." [FBI 62-109060-7991, NARA FBI 124-10145-10233]

On December 11, 1978 Thomas Holt appeared at the office of the FBI,
Miami, Florida where he was interviewed by Special Agents Peter
Schoppeale and Don J. Demford. Prior to the interview Special Agent
Schoppeale had explained to Holt that the FBI was desirous of knowing
any information concerning remarks made by one Frank Sturgis in his
presence concerning the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in,
Dallas, Texas.

Holt advised that he is not well acquainted with Frank Sturgis but he met
him approximately one year ago at a party given at Fort Lauderdale,
Florida. He stated that he was introduced to Sturgis by a friend of his, Billy
Johnson. Holt advised that at this party Sturgis had told him that he had
been a hit man for Fidel Castro and that both Castro and he (Sturgis) had
both worked for the CIA. At this point in the interview Holt stated that
Rockefeller, meaning Nelson Rockefeller, had been in charge of the
Warren Commission and that it had been a cover up as far as the
assassination of Kennedy was concerned. Holt next stated that the “hit”
was done in Texas to make it look like Johnson was at fault. Holt stated
that he believed Billy Johnson may have told Sturgis to say the above
things to impress Holt. Holt next stated that while at this party, Sturgis had
named many people he stated were “big” and that he knew these people.
Holt stated he thinks Sturgis may have killed Kennedy because Sturgis
had said he could shoot a person’s brains out at 1 ,000 yards with a simple
rifle and imagine what I could do with a scope.” Holt next stated Sturgis
had made these comments to him concerning the assassination of
Kennedy he was sure he had probably made them to other people. Holt
stated Sturgis was a man approximately 50 years old. Holt next stated that
he advised Bill Johnson had worked as an informant for the FBI, CIA and
(illegible paragraph ending “from wealthy women”)

Holt advised that in regard to the remark made by Sturgis, it was during
the latter part of the summer that he was on Biscayne Boulevard, at
approximately 125 th Street near Denny’s Restaurant and Steve’s Pizza
when Billy Johnson drove up in his car accompanied by Frank Sturgis.
Holt advised that at this time Billy Johnson told Sturgis that he, Holt, was a
Boston boy. At this time Holt advised Sturgis said, “I killed a boy from
Boston named Kennedy.” Holt advised that he said, “Do you mean the
President?” And Sturgis said “Yes.” Holt advised Johnson next laughed
and said “Ain’t that heavy.” Holt advised that Sturgis then said, “I’ll tell you,
nobody else.” Holt advised that that was the end of the conversation and
Sturgis left. Holt next advised he was facing murder charges in Broward
County, but that no trial date has been set. Holt next stated that he wanted

to become an informant for the FBI but that he would have to have it in
writing. Holt further related that he had been screwed by the DEA and his
conversation became rambling making no further sense. Interview was
terminated at this point.

Later that November the FBI reported:

For the information of the Bureau and Dallas, by letter dated October 20,
1978, the United States Secret Service Miami furnished to this office a
copy of a letter sent to the Agency by the Drug Enforcement
Administration, Miami, dated October 13, 1978. The Drug Enforcement
Administration letter advised that an informant for the DEA had indicated
he was acquainted with Frank Sturgis of Watergate notoriety, and during a
conversation Sturgis told the informant that he killed President John F.
Kennedy. This remark was supposed to have been made in the presence
of an individual by the name of Bill Johnson. DEA advised that this
informant could be made available for interview.

On November 3, 1978, attempts to contact Peter F. Gruden, Inspector-in-
Charge, Drug Enforcement Administration, Miami, who had furnished
above information to United States Secret Service, determined that he
was not available.

On November 7, 1978, Peter F. Gruden was contacted, and he advised
that the informant in this matter was Thomas Holt. Gruden stated that Holt
was of questionable reliability, irrational, unpredictable, and described him
further as a murderer and perjurer. He advised the only reason Holt was a
DEA informant at this time was the Holt had furnished information of
internal nature. Gruden advised that David N. Wiser, Inspector, DEA could
funish more details concerning Holt.

On November 8, 1978 David R. Wiser advised that Holt had come to DEA
and had made allegations of wrongdoings against a DEA agent. Wiser
advised that to date the internal investigation in this DEA matter has not
uncovered any evidence to indicate any truth to the allegations of Holt. He
advised that the evidence indicates to the contrary. Wiser advised that
Holt had stated that during the late summer 1975 he Holt was on Biscayne
Boulevard in the downtown Miami area, when he came upon Frank
Sturgis who was accompanied by one Bill Johnson. Wiser advised that
Holt stated that during this encounter, Sturgis state he had killed John
Kennedy. Wisner stated he asked Holt “Why would Sturgis impart this
interesting bit of news to Holt who was known government witness and
publicized DEA informant from the past?” And Holt replied that it was “one
hit man to another.” Wiser advised that Holt had indicated an intention to
go to the news media regarding this allegation against the DEA. Wiser
further stated that he thought it likely that Holt would also make mention of

the Sturgis comment in that he had reported this to the DEA and that they
had done nothing about it. Wiser advised for this very reason he wrote a
memo concerning what Holt had reported, and for this reason it was
furnished to the Secret Service. Wiser made available a copy of this
memo dated October 4, 1978 which is attached.

Wiser further stated that in a case in which Holt was a witness for the
prosecution Holt had allegedly called a Defendant during a trial and told
him he was going to “get him.” The Defendant in this matter, at the time of
the call, had a recording of his telephone call made which was played for
the presiding judge. Holt denied making the call to the defendant and the
judge ruled that Holt’s testimony could not be permitted. On Novemeber 9,

1978 Wiser had advised that Bill Johnson was William J. Johnson, date of
birth March 11, 1932 FBI number 133677? On November 31, 1978 Wiser
advised that Holt had been polygraphed on three occasions by DEA and
he had failed the three polygraphs concerning his allegation about DEA.

A review of the Miami files indicates that (deleted) date of birth (deleted)
white male, was a source of the Miami Office for a short period of time
under Miami file (deleted) Bureau file (deleted) FBI number (deleted) also
arrested by FBI and Drug Enforcement Administration Agents, July 26,

1976, at Miami International Airport for UFAP murder charges. Bufile
(deleted) additional contained in Miami file (deleted) in which (deleted).
Subject along with (deleted) and Subject (deleted) involving crime on the
high seas - possible murder. (Deleted) victim all suspected drug dealers.
Reports in this matter have been furnished to the Bureau, but Bufile
number unknown to Miami. Miami maintaining contact with Drug
Enforcement Administration Miami and contemplates interview of (deleted)
and (deleted)." On October 4, 1978, Peter F. Gruden, Inspector-in-Charge
received a Memo from (Deleted) Inspector that was referred in it's entirety
to the Drug Enforcement Administration. [FBI 62-109060-10232, 7791
enc. page 3,4 NARA FBI 124-10145-10232; NARA FBI 124-10145-10234
John C. Keeney: Blakey]

On December 11, 1978, the Miami FBI stated “No further investigation is being
conducted by the Miami Office, and this matter is being considered RUC." The LHM
stated: "By letter dated October 20, 1978, the United States Secret Service, Miami,
Florida, furnished the FBI Miami a copy of a letter sent to that agency by the DEA,
Miami, Florida, dated October 13, 1978. The DEA letter advised that (Deleted)." [FBI 62-
109060-7991 also 62-109060, 7990, 7990X, 7990X1 have been changed to 190 -709-
98X3, 8805-15, 8805-16 this was announced in NARA 124-10145-10235; NARA FBI
124-10145-10231] These documents dealt with Thomas Holt. In 1979 Ray Sandstrom
represented Thomas Holt in a first-degree murder case. During these proceedings,
Thomas Holt stated:

First of all, I released Mr. Sandstrom because of lack of money, no other
reason. Second of all, Your Honor, at the hearing before Judge Glickstein
the statement that I made about FRANK STURGIS telling me that he
ordered John F. Kennedy's assassination, and upon that statement I
made, he ordered a psychiatric examination. I believe that needn't to bring
out the fact that Mr. FRANK STURGIS told me he murdered John F.
Kennedy. There was another person in Miami he said he murdered. He
told me E. HOWARD HUNT, Gordon Liddy and Mr. Colby, head of CIA,
were all personally involved in the assassination of John F. Kennedy and
Gerald Ford was on the Warren Commission to cover up the
assassination of John Kennedy. But if you want to talk assassinations,
going through the history of this country, Republicans have murdered
Democrats and Democrats have murdered Republicans.

I am not a radical., I am not psychotic and I am not a bigot. Most important
of all, I am not ignorant... I gave Ray Sandstrom my last $10,000. I have no
moneys. If Your Honor wants me to see two more psychiatrists, very well.
But I notice the Court did not bring out the fact that the psychiatrist said to
me it is very possible that FRANK STURGIS murdered the President of
the United States. It is possible that FRANK STURGIS murdered
President Allende, and it is very possible that Mr. Holt is not paranoid or
crazy. This is in the psychiatric report, Your Honor.

Your Honor, I excuse myself for raising my voice, but I have watched Ray
Sandstrom raise his voice on many occasions. I am not an attorney, I am
not a prosecutor. I am not an assassin for the government. I am a man
indicted for first degree murder, and I want every piece of representation
that this Court can give me - nothing more and nothing less." [Circuit Court
of 17th Judicial Circuit Criminal Action No. 79-8855 CF "J" Moe 11.2.79
Hearing]

Thomas Holt signed this statement:

I Thomas Holt, was told the first or second week in May a year ago today,
with Billy Johnson by Bob's Pizza Place on Biscayne and 135th in
February there was a meeting with customs when I told them that those
prior times FRANK STURGIS told me he killed John F. Kennedy, I told this
to the assassination committee and an oath was taken on these
statements last week in Broward County in my court hearing before judge
Glickstein. (Blanche Gloetzner took this depo of Record Reporting
Services. Thomas Holt.

HEMMING told this researcher:

I did time with Holt. He's a fucking bug. To be in the business you got to
be a goddamn bug. He deteriorated fairly rapidly. The Drug Enforcement

Administration was trying to keep him on the street, but he's out there
blowing people away. Where would guys become intimate? Are they on a
fucking mission to kill somebody and some things slip out?

JOHN V. MARTINO & DRUG SMUGGLING

In February 1969 MARTINO was investigated for misrepresenting himself as a
representative of the General Development Corporation in Guatemala. MARTINO ran
an organization known as ONCA. [FBI 163-34977-2 2.25.69] In April 1973 JOHN
MARTINO was involved with associates of the brother of Guatemalan President Carlos
Arana Orsorio in narcotics smuggling:

(Deleted) efforts obtain Russo's long distance telephone tolls revealed he
often used telephone of a friend (Deleted). Latter is old acquaintance of
(Deleted) who agreed to cooperate investigation Russo activities.
(Deleted) said he had helped Russo move what he thought was
contraband but now believe narcotics also involved. Russo had two sets
false documentation: one citing birth Belize (British Honduras) the other
Spain. In addition, hold Brazilian diplomatic passport which (Deleted)
claims Maria Paula Soura Freitas obtained for him. Latter also has been
Russo contraband collaborator according to (Deleted). (Deleted) said he
recently has been asked by Russo to carry undisclosed package to Miami
for $5,000. (Deleted) said he could arrange (Deleted) protection (Deleted)
as collaborator if he would agree carry package to make possible
detection Miami contact. (Deleted) reluctant because he claims 'years ago'
he tried to cooperate with Interpol and almost landed in Miami jail as
Interpol failed him. (Deleted) feels, however, he can persuade (Deleted).

(Deleted) queried by (Deleted) on other Russo contacts: said latter was to
travel to Honduran border (Aguascalientes Checkpoint) April 20, 1973, to
contact person who helps him bring in contraband from Honduras. This
person turned out to be local immigration chief (also in charge of
Customs) Jose 'Chepe' Duatre Jr. (Deleted) said Duarte from Chiquimula,
son of former close friend of President Arana, Jose 'Chepe' Duarte Senior,
who killed by terrorist 1972. Duarte Jr. has reputation involvement shady
deals, but (deleted) immigration officer Aguascalientes on Presidential
orders. (Deleted) said he advised President Arana alleged Duarte
connection with suspected trafficker Russo. President gave (Deleted)
green light investigative and 'take necessary action.' (Deleted) sent
(Deleted) team Aguascalientes April 28, 1973, to verify Russo-Duarte
contact, which as of April 30, 1973, has not taken place.

(Deleted) also reported a frequent contact of Russo in Miami is resident
JOHN MARTINO, U.S. passport K-1 69259, who currently staying at hotel
Maya Excelsior Guatemala City. Personal check by (Deleted) revealed
MARTINO close friend of Arturo Arana, President's brother, and has taken

Arturo on all expense paid pleasure trips to Miami. (Deleted) commented
President Arana fuller aware brother Arturo is influence peddler who had
to be retired from Guatemalan telecommunications job due to excessive
graft.

(Deleted) not to arrest anyone until members Russo network uncovered
and sufficient evidence obtained to establish bona fides (deleted). He
observed (Deleted) are only arm available to him to conduct investigation
which he must do via acting (Deleted) Chief, and that (Deleted) lack
narcotics training and experience. [CIA FOIA D001213]

MARTINO, 64, died on August 3, 1976, of a heart attack: "Acute Rupture Abdominal
Aneuryth, due to Shock and Exsanguination due to arteriosclerosis, generalized." [Dade
County Death Cert. 9564] MARTINO was never questioned by HSCA. The HSCA
reported that on October 4, 1977,

An anonymous informant named Fred [Fred Claasen ] called the HSCA
several times and indicated a close relationship with the late JOHN V.
MARTINO. Fred said that MARTINO told him he 'worked for the CIA,' and
that President Kennedy was killed by anti-Castro Cubans. MARTINO said
the assassins knew the motorcade route before they went to Dallas."

[HSCA Memo Fonzi to Fenton 10.4.77] Author Tony Summers quoted
Fred Claasen as having said: "MARTINO said OSWALD wasn't the hit
man. He told me 'The anti-Castro types put OSWALD together.. .OSWALD
didn't know who he was working for.. .He was there to meet his contact at
the Texas Theater [the movie house where he was arrested]. ..They were
to meet OSWALD in the theater and get him out of the country then
eliminate him. OSWALD made a mistake. There was no way we could get
to him. They had Ruby kill him."

When Tony Summers interviewed JOHN MARTINO'S wife, Florence Martino, she told
him that JOHN MARTINO had told her on the day of the assassination

'Flo, they're going to kill him. They are going to kill him when he goes to
Texas.' Florence questioned her husband briefly, got no meaningful
response, and went out for a while. She was home again by the time
Edward, 17, heard the news of the assassination on television. 'When I
called them in' he remembered, my father went as white as a sheet. But it
wasn't like 'Gee whiz' it was more like confirmation.' 'Then JOHN was on
the phone...' Florence remembered: 'He got I don't know how many calls
from Texas, I don't know who called him, but he was on the phone, on the
phone, on the phone. ..'[ Vanity Fair 12.94]

MARTINO told his wife after the assassination:

When they went to the theater and got OSWALD they blew it.. .There was
a Cuban in there. They let him come out. They let the guy go, the other
trigger." Some two months before the assassination, Florence Martino
said, "a man from Washington, tall and large.. .in a dark suit, like from the
State Department" had brought a young Cuban to the house. Later her
husband would ask her, 'Flo, do you remember that good looking kid that
was sitting on the couch? He was involved. He was one of them.' A month
after we taped Florence Martino's interview she died."

John Cummings, a reporter who worked closely with HEMMING, reported:

It came out of the blue. MARTINO told me he had himself met OSWALD
several weeks before the assassination, in Miami. He said an FBI agent
named Conners asked him to come to a boat docked in Biscayne Bay,
and introduced him to OSWALD by name. The impression MARTINO got
was that OSWALD didn't know his ass from his elbow, didn't know what
he was involved in. He thought the agent wanted him to meet OSWALD
because MARTINO was involved in anti-Communist activity, and
OSWALD was someone this agent was running. [Tony Summers Vanity
Fair 12.94 pi 12]

S.A. James J. O'Conner denied having met OSWALD. In December 1977 STURGIS
Juan Orta died of a heart attack at age 71. Several months later, Allen Courtney
became seriously ill; he died on September 17, 1978, of natural causes.

On May 11, 1977, a source reported to the FBI that STURGIS says he's been asked to
organize and train 200 Panamanian dissidents in Costa Rica which is part of a larger
anti-Torrijos effort. [Fonzi- STURGIS Chronology] The December 11, 1977, issue of the
Panamanian daily, Excelsior, reported that STURGIS was involved in a plot to
assassinate Trujillo:

Carlos Manuel Pereira De Oliveira Cabral, who is being detained on drug
trafficking charges, confessed to the National Intelligence Service of
Panama that Arnulfo Arias, the ex-President of Panama now living in exile
in Miami, and a group of anti-Castro Cubans also in Miami, planned to
assassinate Torrijos. Segun Pereira, the Cuban Jose Celso Garcia, and
expert on arms and explosives, was offered a million dollars to
assassinate Torrijos. FRANK FIORINI was to help Garcia enter Panama
through Costa Rica and then help him escape.

When Gaeton Fonzi met with STURGIS in Miami, STURGIS
offered to introduce him to former Castro prisoner named "Paul."

Paul was an American who had spent seven years in Castro's prison. He was charged
with plotting to blow up a building housing Russian agents. Paul had operated a small
bar in Havana as a front, was married to a Cuban who worked for the CIA, and was
deeply involved in Miami's anti-Castro Cuban activity. STURGIS told Fonzi: "He don't
know you're going to be there, so when we get there I'll put him on." When the three
men met, STURGIS pretended he couldn't remember where he knew Gaeton Fonzi
from, then said: 'I really know who he is. Fonzi is a friend of mine who is with the
government committee that's looking into the John F. Kennedy assassination.' 'Oh,'
Paul said, 'you mean the guy you killed?' STURGIS' face froze. The smile was gone.
Then he shook his head and smiled again. 'Oh yeah, sure' he said. Paul laughed at
catching STURGIS off-guard. I started laughing too. He was right. Paul was a funny
guy."

In December 1980 STURGIS opened a video tape store in Miami. A Miami News
reporter asked him about the tramps: "No, I was not one of the tramps in Dallas. No
fucking way in the world they were going to say I looked like one of those old tramps. I
don't know who they were, but I wasn't one of them." In September 1981 STURGIS was
connected with an ill-fated invasion of the American Naval base in Guantanamo, Cuba.
The strategy: Send boatloads of unarmed men under an American flag into a canal
adjacent to the base. The goal: Stay long enough so that sympathetic nations will
recognize a Cuban government-in-exile. Wilferdo Navarro and Raphael Torres, a Bay of
Pigs vet, were involved in this action. STURGIS and his crew ran aground in the Turks
and Caicos Islands. STURGIS had to slip out the these islands in a small powerboat.
[Miami Herald 9.10.81] In February 1982 STURGIS was in Angola, where he led a
Brigade of anti-Castro Cubans, according to Wilferdo Navarro. [Miami Herald 2.10.82] In
June 1986 STURGIS was arrested after he promised Metro Miami detective, Kennedy
Rosario, who was posing as a drug dealer, that he could get the drug ring's chemist out
of jail in return for a large amount of money. The Organized Crime Bureau first found
out about STURGIS' scam in May 1986 when an informant told OCB detective Carlos
Ortiz that he knew of "individuals engaged in reducing inmate’s sentences" using "high-
level" connections. STURGIS told them he wanted $150,000 in cash. Since it was no
crime to con drug dealers, and since STURGIS never followed through on his promise
to contact high level people, OCB went another route. They offered STURGIS a down
payment of four stolen Rolex watches and $75,000. The police delivered four watches
to FRANK, then arrested him and his partner, Spanish national Emilio Cotonat, for
possession of stolen property. When the case came to court, STURGIS claimed he was
working for Customs Officer John McCutcheon, and had informed McCutcheon before
his arrest about the approach. John McCutcheon, who spent 20 years with the Drug
Enforcement Administration, testified that STURGIS had told him about this episode,
but he could not remember if it was before or after his arrest. The jurors could not
convict STURGIS because his guilt was not longer beyond reasonable doubt. Ellis
Rubin represented STURGIS and he was acquitted. [Miami Herald 1 1 .7.86]

In 1993 the Government of Cuba named these men as conspirators: NIXON, Richard
Helms, STURGIS, HUNT, PHILLIPS and Banister. They also named Johnny Rosselli,
Gary Yen, George Bush, General Charles Cabell, Allen Dulles, Tony Varona, Richard

Bissell, Sam Giancana, TRAFFICANTE, Clyde Chow, (Clyde Snow?) Carlos Prio
Soccarras, Robert Maheu, JACK RUBY, Jose Berman, the Novos, Pedro Diaz Lanz,
Lenny Patrick, David Yaras, Eladio Del Valle and Herminio Diaz Garcia. HEMMING
stated that STURGIS, to his dying day, still had schemes going in the Dominican
Republic. HEMMING told this researcher:

You know why I was always annoyed by STURGIS. He didn't have
telephone directories from all over the country cluttering up his fucking
bedroom. He didn't sit in the library and read all the newspapers there are.

He didn't do research. Now, did I stumble on to OSWALD doing research,
and know he was defector and all the bullshit? You're goddamn right. Did I
have him in my files? You're goddamn right. But that's not the story that's
gonna be told, right now. Could FRANK, without any help at all, have
stumbled across the newspaper article about this kid coming back from
the Soviet Union, then read in the Dallas or Fort Worth newspaper about
such and such. No. No fucking way. And HUNT and PHILLIPS couldn't
slip away from their desk for too long.

In 1993 STURGIS began training men in the Everglades for another Cuban invasion.
William Johnson reported: "They had a shooting out there. Gun went off accidentally.
Someone got killed. I think he's the eyes and the ears for Uncle Sam. He's working with
some FBI Agent, with the camp, so he's feeding information on everyone that's there.
He's a cutie." James Hunt wrote,

Frank Sturgis died in Miami on December 4, 1993, five days before his
69th birthday. He had gone to the VA Hospital a few days earlier with
complaints of stomach and back pain. The death certificate said he died of
cancer, though none had ever been previously diagnosed. An autopsy
was never performed. Less than a month before his death, Frank had
spent a week at the secret headquarters of an anti-Castro group, P.U.N.D.
(Partido Unidad Nacional Democratico) located in the Everglades, where
he conducted guerilla survival training exercises. Frank seemed to be in
good health when he returned to Miami. His only complaint was that he
had what he thought was a pretty nasty bug bite on his back. He
suspected that it came from a spider or some type of mosquito out in the
Everglades. At the time, he recalled that six months earlier he got a similar
bite on his back while standing outside the P.U.N.D. headquarters in
Miami. Other than that, for a man his age he was remarkably fit. But,
rather than celebrate his birthday on December 9, 1993, Frank was laid to
rest.

MARITA LORENZ AFTER THE COUP

Marita Lorenz stated:

I left Dallas about two hours [after RUBY threw me out]; FRANK took me to the airport
and I went back to Miami.. .On November 22, 1963, I was in an Eastern Airlines plane
on the way to New York City when the pilot announced the President had been shot.
When OSWALD was picked up and shot by RUBY certain events began to fall into
place. I was frightened. In New York she claimed was questioned about Marcos
Jimenez Perez by the FBI although no such document has been released. She claimed
she was asked: "Did they know the names of the people you took the car trip with from
Miami to Dallas?" Marita Lorenz claimed she said, "Yes."

LORENZ 1964 TO 1973

Marita:

I didn't come forward with my story to the Warren Commission, but I did
disassociate myself from FRANK. I lost complete contact with him until
1972. In 1970 I got married to Louis John Yurasits, the superintendent of a
building filled with Eastern bloc diplomats. I would go through their trash, I
called it 'compactor work,' Mr. WEBERMAN would call it 'garbology.' I
would report my findings to S.A. Al Chestone. I received a letter of
commendation from the New York FBI...

On October 29, 1971, Lorenz received a letter of commendation from John F. Malone,
Assistant Director in Charge of the New York City FBI Office. The CIA reported "Lorenz
collected wastebasket trash from the Soviet apartments which was offered and refused
by FR Division in New York. She was met several times by the Domestic Contacts
Division C/S. Domestic Contacts Division did not carry this information under Subject's
name but under Yurasits." The information supplied by Marita Lorenz triggered one

report titled "Illness of Mrs. Ivan E. Kartashov. Method of Collection: Interview. Directed
to OSS Case Officer Kuehn. Field Comments: Per (Deleted) Watts telcon Copy of this
information to be passed directly to (Deleted). Please coordinate with (Deleted)." [CIA
FR Maurice A. Sovern 11.7.77; NARA 1993.07.13.-17:59:24:750270] In January 1976
Lorenz and Yurasits were divorced. The FBI reported: "During the period of her
marriage, 1970 to 1975 Lorenz voluntarily furnished information of both security and
criminal nature. She was advised on numerous occasions that she was not an informant
of the FBI." [FBI 105-83564 NR 4.7.77] Marita Lorenz:

In 1973 I visited FRANK in Federal Prison in Connecticut. When FRANK
was in Washington testifying, he called me from a pay phone. A few
months later, we met. During this meeting I asked him about the Kennedy
assassination. He boasted and bragged about it. But he said, 'They
haven't got shit.' He said 'They can't prove it' and he said he was
questioned several times but that his alibi would stick. He said his alibi
was that he 'watched the whole damn thing on television, in his house in
Miami.'

In January, February, and March 1975, Lorenz logged 100 hours of auxiliary police
work for the New York City Police Department. On April 24, 1975, Marita Lorenz
surfaced in the press in a series of articles about STURGIS by Paul Meskil. The article
was titled "Secrets of the CIA: The American Mata Hari Who Duped Castro." The article
concerned the alleged theft of documents from Castro by Lorenz which later allegedly
turned out to be the locations of Soviet missile sites:

I unlocked the door to Suite 2408, went inside and double locked the door
behind me. ..as usual the suite was littered with papers and the filing
cabinet was open. I couldn't grab everything. I took as much as I could,
and stuffed papers and maps into my uniform pockets and inside my
jacket. Then I left the Hilton and went back to the other hotel, changed into
a dress, and caught the next flight to Miami. FRANK met me at airport and
I gave him all the papers. I never knew exactly what information they
contained. I was told the stuff was good, it was fantastic and the United
States Government was very happy. Among the papers were
topographical maps of Cuba on which several sections of undeveloped
land, miles away from any population center, had been marked with
handwritten circles. ..Three years later another intelligence agent told her
the original groundwork plans for Soviet missile sites.

If Castro's papers had disappeared the same time Marita did, she would have been a
suspect in the theft and arrested when she re-entered Cuba. On April 24, 1975, the
CIA's Office of Security searched under "Lorenz, Ilona Marita and Lorenz Marie," but no
Office of Security file was found. [CIA OS Memo for the Record 4.25.75] The CIA
commented on this article: "In the first article Marie [sic] Lorenz alleges that E.
HOWARD HUNT was the paymaster for STURGIS and Alexander Rorke. HUNT has
publicly claimed not knowing STURGIS until at least the late 1960's... Relative to Marie

Lorenz, initial Office of Security traces in this name were negative in April 1975." The
April 25, 1975, article was noted by the CIA: "[The article stated] one Marie [sic] Lorenz
was involved with FRANK STURGIS and Alex Rorke in 1959 to 1960, in anti-Castro
activities on behalf of this Agency." The FBI reported that in

...approximately Marita Lorenz, against the advise of the New York FBI
office, began an affair with one Giuseppe Faggiano, who was, by
reputation, a hit man and an arsonist. Throughout the duration of the affair
she continued to furnish criminal information obtained through her
relationship with Faggiano. She advised that during the course of that
relationship, she had come in a position of information concerning
gambling, shylocking, and IFIS matters, together with background
information concerning LCN bars and restaurants. [FBI 137-44613-1]

On August 23, 1976, STURGIS reported he was with Marita Lorenz on the weekend of
August 21, 1976, to August 22, 1976. She allegedly gave him cryptographic Albanian
code. On August 27, 1 976, the FBI in New York City generated this document:

In April 1976 instant case was opened to determine Marita Lorenz'
potential as an informant. However, due to the fact that Lorenz was the
subject of extensive publicity in June 1976, regarding recruitment by CIA
during 1960 to kill Fidel Castro, instant case was closed. At the time the
source had indicated her relationship with Faggiano was terminated.
Subsequently, Lorenz contacted the New York FBI office and advised she
had renewed her relationship with him. In July 1976 Lorenz advised she
had been pistol whipped and beaten by Faggiano. She subsequently filed
a complaint of first degree assault against him with the NYPD. Faggiano
was arrested on August 11, 1976, and released on his own recognizance.

Lorenz alleged that subsequent to his release, anonymous telephone calls
were made to her unlisted number threatening her life. Lorenz, at her
request, was contacted on August 19, 1976, by an S.A. of the NYO and
Terence Me Swigen of N.Y.C. P.D. At that time she accused Faggiano of
burglarizing her home and stealing several tape recordings of telephone
conversations she had with Faggiano; Ed Levy, a long time boyfriend and
allegedly father of her son. Lorenz claimed she feared for her life, and
requested FBI or police protection."

On June 13, 1976, another article about Lorenz appeared in the New York Daily News
written by Paul Meskil. It was titled "CIA SENT BEDMATE TO KILL CASTRO IN 1960."
In the article Marita related that she met with Alex Rorke, two FBI agents and a CIA
agent at the office of the FBI in New York City. Lorenz said they suggested that she
should poison Castro. Gaeton Fonzi reported:

Meskil said he first met Marita Lorenz when he was researching a series
of articles for the News entitled 'Secrets of the CIA. 'The series was
published beginning on April 20, 1975. The series dealt with the CIA's anti-

Castro activities. Meskil said that while interviewing FRANK STURGIS for
the series, STURGIS told him he had helped Castro's former mistress
escape from Cuba. At that time, STURGIS told Meskil he couldn't
remember her name. Meskil later remembered there had been an article
in the defunct Confidential Magazine entitled 'Castro Raped My Daughter.'
That article had appeared in the early 1960's, and Meskil said it is
fortuitous that he is one of the few people in the world with a complete
collection of old Confidential magazines. Upon checking, Meskil
discovered that the article was written by one Alex Rorke (an anti-Castro
associate of STURGIS whose plane disappeared in September 1963) and
that its subject was Marita Lorenz. Meskil subsequently found Lorenz and
included her in his series. ..Regarding his recent article about Lorenz,
Meskil said he first became aware of the information when Lorenz, with
whom he had developed regular contact, called him and told him she had
just returned from Miami and a period of voluntary confinement under
protective custody in a United States Customs Service safe house. She
said she had been working as an undercover informant for Customs Agent
Steve Czukas. While in protective custody, she told Meskil, she wrote a
detailed account of her knowledge concerning the Kennedy assassination.
Meskil said he decided to publish the revelation in the News only because
he confirmed the existence of her written account with Czukas. Meskil said
Czukas confirmed he had custody of that written account. [HSCA To
Blakeyfrom Fonzi & Gonzales 10.31.77]

MEMORANDUM FOR: Chief, Security Analysis Group June 18, 1976
SUBJECT: STURGIS, .Frank Anthony
FIORINI, Frank SF#353 459

1. As you are aware, Frank Anthony STURGIS, one of the convicted
Watergate burglars, has repeatedly and falsely claimed affiliation with this
Agency. Attached to instant Memorandum are copies of two articles from
the New York Daily News by Paul Meskill, dated circa April 1975 and June
13, 1976, specifying that one Marie LORENZ was involved with Frank
STURGIS and Alex RORKE in 1959/1960 in anti-CASTRO activities.
Furthermore, the articles again allege that STURGIS and RORKE were
acting on behalf of this Agency. The 13 June 1976 article further alleges:
Marie LORENZ has claimed that at the direction of STURGIS and RORKE
(and the Agency and the FBI) in 1960 she went to Cuba to poison
CASTRO. The poison was given to her by STURGIS. In the first article
Marie LORENZ alleges that E. Howard HUNT, known to her as "Eduardo"
was the paymaster for STURGIS and RORKE. HUNT has publicly claimed
not knowing STURGIS until at least the late 1960's.

2. Alex RORKE, identical with Alexander I. RORKE, Jr. (SF1427 955),
was a free-lance writer, photographer, soldier of fortune who disappeared
in September 1963 while flying in Central America. There is no evidence

in this file that RORKE was ever affiliated with this Agency. There is
evidence that RORKE was involved with STURGIS in anti-CASTRO
activities in the early 1960's.

3. Relative to Marie LORENZ, initial Office of Security traces in this name
were negative in April 1975. Additional research relative to the June 1976
article has revealed a positive identification. Composite information from
the attachments would suggest that Marie LORENZ is of German father/
American mother birth, born circa 1940; that her father was Heinrich
LORENZ, a former German Navy Captain who in February - 1959 was the
captain of a luxury liner "Berlin";

4. Office of Security traces in the name of Heinrich LORENZ revealed that
he is the father of Valerie Claire LORENZ (SF#117 245). Information in
the file, coupled with information in the attached articles, positively
identifies the younger sister of Valerie Claire LORENZ, one Ilona Marita
LORENZ, as being identical with the Marie LORENZ mentioned in these
articles.

7. Variations of all of the names of Ilona MARITA LORENZ and her family have been
checked against Office of Security indices with no additional results with the exception
to a reference to the file captioned "Cuban Intelligence Activities" (SFI350 643). An FBI
New York Office report in this file dated 10 February 1960 captioned "Cuban
Intelligence Activities in the United States" reflects in substance that Ilona Marita
Lorenz, 344 West 87 th Street, New York City, on 22 December 1959 advised SA
O’Brien, FBI, that Jesus Yanes Pelletier, Cuban Revolutionary Army and Military Aide to
the Cuban Prime Minister (CASTRO) had arrived in New York City on 18 December
1 959. Lorenz reported that she went out with him on the night of 1 9 December to the La
Baracca Restaurant. She believed that Pelletier was in New York collecting intelligence
information for the Castro government.

8. Relative to Lorenz's claim in the attached article that she and Alex Rorke visited New
York FBI offices and had a 'conference with two agents who had questioned her
previously and a CIA official,' it is interesting to note that Lorenz was interviewed by SA
O’Brien on December 22, 1959. The file of Alexander Rorke reflects that he was
interviewed on December 30, 1959 by SA Francis J. O’Brien, FBI, New York.

9. The above is for your information. Jerry G. Brown Deputy Chief, Security Analysis
Group

The FBI:

General Investigative Division, in attached letter to Assistant Attorney
General Thornburgh dated September 8, 1976, for information from our
files. The September 8, 1976, response, based on an indices search using
the spelling of Lorenz's name as furnished by Senator Schweiker to the

Justice Department, resulted in no record being located... Additional
research relative to the June 1976 article has revealed a positive
identification... [FBI 62-109060-7572x NR 4.7.77]

LORENZ 1977 IN SECRET SERVICE CUSTODY

In February 1977 Lorenz was in Madrid, searching for Marcos Perez Jimenez, in order
to obtain child support. She told the Legal Attache at the American Embassy there that
she had been "followed by strange men and on one occasion her food had been
drugged." Marita Lorenz stated:

In June 1977 Secret Service agents and Customs men knocked on my
door and said, 'We know you went on a trip to Dallas.' This was Steve
Czukas, a United States Customs intelligence agent. I was cooking and I
said, 'Yes, I did take a trip to Dallas, but I didn't stay, I went back.' They
questioned me and we talked only of this one trip. I confessed in writing
while I was in their protective custody in July 1977. They put me up at
Miami Springs Villa and gave me a new identity, Cathy Webster.

Miami TV newsman Victor Waiters checked Marita Lorenz's story with a source in the
United States Customs Service, and confirmed that she had been in protective custody
due to the information on the assassination of President John F. Kennedy she had
disclosed. [Depo. Vic Walters 76-1252-Civ. SMA Miami 2.3.78]

To verify Victor Walters' story, Philip Bowen, Regional Flead of U.S. Customs, and
Steve Czukas were deposed during the course of HUNT v. WEBERMAN. Philip Bowen
agreed to a deposition if his testimony was "confined to matters discussed with TV
reporter Vic Walters... we have been directed to decline to testify to any matter which
would reveal investigatory techniques, confidential informants, the credibility of a
source's information." Steve Czukas and Philip Bowen both said nothing of value. A
notarized Privacy Waiver was obtained from Lorenz so that her story could be verified,
and a Privacy Act request was made for her "written confession." The Assistant
Regional Counsel who had represented Philip Bowen at his deposition replied: "A check
of our records indicates that we do not have in Region IV any reports, memos or
documents on Marita Lorenz that were authored or co-authored or bear the signature of
U.S. Customs agents Steve Czukas or Howard Weintraub."

Marita Lorenz: "FRANK wanted me to fly to Angola in 1977 to take part in anti-Castro
activity there. The Novo brothers were supposed to drive me to the airport. Had I not
refused FRANK'S offer I would have never returned." On July 21, 1977, Marita Lorenz
called the listed number for the CIA in New York City and said STURGIS wanted her to
travel to Angola, in hopes of obtaining first-hand information about the Cuban military
presence there. Marita Lorenz offered to spy on STURGIS for the CIA, if the CIA lifted
the exclusionary stamp on her passport that prohibited travel to Angola. The CIA
reaction to Marita Lorenz's offer was emphatically negative: "There is no interest in
encouraging Subject to travel or do anything else for this Agency." [CIA (deleted) 28990

7.22.77. 6.18.76, 4.25.75, 7.21.77; FBI 137-44613-1, 137-43954-4, 105-83564-8,9, 1 0S-
83564 NR 4.7.77, 6.23.76]

In September 1977 Marita Lorenz told her "car trip story" to Paul Meskil who

checked it with STURGIS. STURGIS repeated his denial and again implied that he was
unaware of the Novo brothers, but did tell Paul Meskil he had been in Dallas several
times before November 22, 1963. In late September 1977, The New York Daily News
published Paul Meskil's story. A few days later, STURGIS had a meeting with SANTO
TRAFFICANTE in a Miami Beach supermarket. [TRAFFICANTE FISCA Testimony
10.77] In 1977 this researcher needed a witness in HUNT WEBERMAN, and the
testimony of Marita Lorenz was not subjected to intensive examination. Gaeton Fonzi
believed that Marita Lorenz had concocted the car trip story to discredit the tramp
photographs, and was still in league with STURGIS. Gaeton Fonzi had contacted Marita
Lorenz in 1976 shortly after the first Paul Meskil story was published. She asked him to
provide protection for her; because he did not believe she was a credible witness he
declined to do so. This researcher visited Lorenz at her apartment on 1725 York
Avenue in Manhattan. Marita showed me the bullet hole in a mirror in her bedroom that
was a result on an encounter with Faggiano. Marita would go into another room with an
unidentified while male then come out a few minutes later and ask for change of a $1 00
bill. She gave me a copy of her address book for 1963 that contained the listing "E.
HOWARD HUNT 544 CAMP ST." This was obviously a contrivance. At Marita's
apartment I encountered a grandfatherly man named David Aldrich, who claimed to be
related to the Rockefeller family. David Aldrich was determined that Lorenz should not
allow me to visit her. As I recollect, one day Aldrich and this researcher had a
confrontation in the elevator of Lorenz's apartment building. Aldrich threatened to have
me killed, so I left the premises and waited outside until I observed Aldrich leave, then I
went up and visited Marita. Eventually Aldrich and I made up and went to a Greek
restaurant, along with one of my female colleagues, Gabrial Schang. Aldrich's role was
unclear.

MARITA LORENZ SETS UP STURGIS: OCTOBER 1977

In late October 1977 Marita Lorenz called Gaeton Fonzi and told him that one of her
mafia friends had told her STURGIS planned to have her killed. Gaeton Fonzi agreed to
call STURGIS. When he did, he told STURGIS that Marita Lorenz had called him, and
that perhaps STURGIS should give Marita Lorenz a call to find out why she was making
these accusations. Gaeton Fonzi was attempting to find out if STURGIS and Marita
Lorenz were still working together. According to STURGIS, Gaeton Fonzi called him
and said: "'FRANK, I got a call from Washington to check out Marita Lorenz's
allegations. So he did ask me, 'Have you been in touch with Marita'? I said, 'No I
haven't.' He said, 'I think it might be a good idea, speak with her and ask her about
these accusations.' I said, 'Fine.' So, on his advice, I did contact Marita. When I called
Marita, Marita was surprised that I spoke with her. I said, 'Marita, this is FRANK.' She
says 'How are you?' I says 'Fine.' She says, 'Are you mad at me?' I says 'No.' Why
should I be mad at you? We've been friends for years.'" During the course of HUNT
WEBERMAN STURGIS was asked:

Q. Isn't it true that you were more than friends with her at various times
and places?

A. Well, you've gotta understand that there has been a period of years I
haven't seen Marita, so I never knew what she's done, what she has been
involved in. As a matter of fact, she did have some problems in New York.

I found out that she was working undercover for, you know, the police
department; that one of her boyfriends, whom she was involved with, was
trying to blackmail her and she shot him.

Q. Dead?

A. No, she shot him, and she's got a mirror in her bedroom with a bullet
hole there. And because one time when I was up there I says, "How come
you don't take care of the bullet hole?" and she says "Well, I like to keep it
as a memento," you know; and she shot the guy! Naturally the guy isn't
going to go ahead and turn her over to the police. Now, she was telling me
about his threats, about how he threatened to kill her, to do harm to her
kids -- So she asked me, she says, "FRANK, I need your help. What can I
do? I have to work for these people" and she named the people which I
don't think I should go ahead and mention, I prefer that she name them,
"and this other group of people, and this other group of people, and it
seems that they can't do anything to help me protect myself against this
party, and I'm afraid." I says, "Well, tell you what I'll do." So I went to New
York -- now this was before Marita had made these accusations in the
paper, I'm going back to when she had all these problems -- I went to New
York at one time to do something on business, and I naturally stopped in
to see her and I took a taped conversation of Marita Lorenz, between her
and myself, at the hotel where I was staying at, and I turned this tape over
to the Central Intelligence Committee. This is Senator Baker's, Central
Intelligence Committee. I turned it over to him, which they may have it,
they have it documented, and I, also, asked him -- now, when I was with
Marita that day she told me the story, and I taped this conversation about
the problems that she was having by this man here, this man that was
threatening her, because she had some documents in her possession
which she turned over to me, and I immediately flew to Washington, D.C.
and turned them over to the Secret Service Intelligence Committee. These
are documents of a foreign intelligence matter. Now I told her, I called
from her telephone -- which there should be a record of -- I called Senator
Baker's office and spoke to Howard Liebengood and explained to him how
come this girl here had worked for these, you know, federal organizations
and, because of what's happening, pertaining to what documents I had
that I was going to turn over to them, why they wouldn't give her
protection? "Fine" he says, "FRANK, are you coming down this way?"
"Yes, I'm leaving, I'm coming down to see you." Well, I turned over all this
stuff to Howard Liebengood with the hope that the Senate Intelligence

Committee would help put a guard on her to protect her against the
threats she was getting, against this man whom she shot -- not that she
missed -- that she shot. ..Now, what happened after that, between the
Senate Intelligence Committee, by trying to obtain protection, you know,
for Marita Lorenz, is between them because I immediately disassociated
myself, because I naturally felt it pertained to national security business
that she, you know, was involved in. ..Now here we go over a period of
time - well, I haven't been up in New York or anything like that -- then this
thing comes out in the paper and I spoke to Marita and told her why and
so forth, and what happened, and she maintained to me, and she did
mention to me in conversation, that WEBERMAN was one of the persons
that was behind the pressure that she had after she put all the stuff in the
paper. And I said, "Well, who are the other people?" She says, "I can't tell
you at the present time, but get back with me." Fine. I immediately -- now,
when I called her, remember, Gaeton Fonzi knew of every phone call that
I had made with Marita, because I would not talk to Marita unless Fonzi
knew that I was speaking to Marita. Then a series of calls again, another
call, and I tried to go ahead and again ask Marita, "Marita, how come, you
know, why don't you tell me, you know, because the people have been..."
She says, "Well, I'm scared I'm going to be subpoenaed." So I says, "You
don't have to be scared, because Fonzi told me you're not going to be
subpoenaed any place, so don't be worried about any subpoena," you
know. She says, "Well, you know the people on the book" and I'm not sure
whether she meant Coup D'Etat or not; but she says, "You know the
people in the book were behind me, and I'm getting a lot of pressure."
Well, I'm sure a lot of the pressure is, from what she said -- well, I don't
know, I can't put that in her lines, so I can't go into that. Anyway, this is the
things that she had told me about part of the pressures, and she wanted
me to come to New York and she says, "If you don't have the funds to
come up here, I can come there or meet you halfway, or I'll tell you what
I'll do: I'll send you a prepaid ticket and you come up here to New York
and I'll tell you the whole story. I'll tell you everything, who the pressure,
the people, who are the people behind me in putting all this stuff in the
newspapers."

Q. That was the 31 st of what?

A. October. I went over to a friend of mine's house, Frank Nelson, and I
called Marita and in talking with Marita she says, "Well, I'm going to be
busy, call me later." Fine. [STURGIS stated he told Fonzi, Jack Anderson,
Paul Meskil, Malcomn Abrams of the Midnight Globe and Steve Dunleavy
that he was going to contact Marita.] So, anyway, I believe I spoke to
Marita again that afternoon and that night she told me to come over. So
when I went over there that evening, I got there around 11:00 p.m. I
knocked on the door, the door opened and here are two men with drawn
guns pointed at me and said, "Who are you?" Well, I got a little scared you

know. I was concerned. I thought possibly these two people were part of
the people who had been harassing Marita. I says, "My name is FRANK
STURGIS." They said, "Are you carrying a piece?" I says, "No, I don't
carry a weapon." He says, "Well, come in." I came in and immediately they
shook me down as best they could, with guns pointing at me. They says,
"We're detectives from the New York City Police Department. You're
under arrest." I said, "Under Arrest! For what?" They said, "We'll tell you
about it. Come on in." So they took me in and I didn't see nobody there but
the two detectives... Up to there I didn't know that my life was in jeopardy.
Now I will tell you what the police officers told me. I came in. I had to take
everything out of my pockets. They looked through my briefcase, so forth.
Sat down. I asked, if I'm arrested, what the charges were? "Well will go
ahead and tell you when we get down to the police station." "Now FRANK,
you're going to have to thank us, because we saved your life." "You saved
my life, why?" "Do you know Marita's daughter was outside this place with
a shotgun ready to kill you?" I says, "I don't believe it." They says, "Well
yes, because Marita called us" -- listen to this now - "and told us that her
daughter was downstairs with a shotgun waiting to kill you, FRANK
STURGIS, when you walked in here. So when we got this call from Marita
Lorenz, we went down and arrested her daughter." Now the story changes
around as we go along, from the police officers.. .later on it was
supposedly that the kid was arrested with a .22 caliber pistol on her.

The information STURGIS and LORENZ furnished to Liebengood:

She told me at one period of time, in Miami, Florida, while she was living
with the ex-dictator, Perez Jimenez, he was the ex-president of
Venezuela, she had been supported by him, in a swanky apartment, I
believe it was in Bell Harbor, where her apartment was at; she had a little
girl, a child by Perez Jimenez; and she overheard a discussion by the ex-
president, Perez Jimenez, which she told me that Perez Jimenez was
talking with two Latin type men and the discussion was for them to go
ahead and kill Kennedy, but it was Robert Kennedy. [STURGIS v NYPD
Depo]

MARITA'S VERSION

Marita Lorenz said that her daughter was going to protect her from STURGIS

...since she had received two threats. One from Frank Nelson, and one
from a Cuban who said I was dead. I taped it. Monday morning. Monica
told me, 'Mommy I am not going to leave you alone with FRANK. If you
don't answer the phone I'll get him when he comes down.' I told her,
'FRANK wouldn't hurt me, he is just going to try and convince me not to
say anything to the committee.' I had to meet with FRANK. ..when he
called at 1 1 :00 a.m. I stalled him. I had to get Monica off the street. I was

working with the New York City Police Department investigating child
prostitution and I called them. I said, 'My daughter is 15, and she is out
on the street with a gun. She wants to kill somebody to stop him from
hurting me. Pick her up!'

HEMMING told this researcher:

I don't discount anything. You helped her fuckin' manufacture the story.

After all you helped her do that shit, okay, I'm not fucking stupid or
something?

This researcher did not pressure Marita Lorenz, or feed her this story, as HEMMING
and STURGIS said. STURGIS knew this to be the truth. The reason he said this was
because it explained why two independent sources had put him in Dallas - they really
were not independent. Marita Lorenz came forward with her story voluntarily. I didn't
know her when she did. I first came into contact with Marita Lorenz after she had
released the details of the Dallas car trip. STURGIS believed I was in contact with her
before this. He based his assumption on the results of a pen register (a device that
makes a record of all the numbers dialed from a telephone) HEMMING had connected
to his telephone during one of my visits to his office. The device indicated that I had
tried to call Lorenz from his office. It did not indicate that the number I had for her at the
time, obtained from an old New York City telephone directory was disconnected.
HEMMING thought Marita Lorenz had provided me with her number. In 1994 I assured
HEMMING that I did not pressure Marita Lorenz to make up these charges and
suggested to HEMMING she either saw Coup D'Etat in America or became aware of the
investigation of STURGIS by the Rockefeller Commission. HEMMING:

In this business you can tell yourself that's probably 95% certainty. But if
you start discounting shit? If you deny it, or white it out, you're fucked,
mister. You don't discount anything.

Marita Lorenz entrapped STURGIS. She paid for his flight to New York City, then didn't
meet with him until she had two detectives with her. Marita Lorenz had mistakenly
involved her daughter in her delusional world. She had second thoughts, and had the
police pick her up before Monica actually popped FRANK. Marita Lorenz was working
on a child prostitution case with detectives from the New York City Police Department,
and the officers involved in STURGIS' arrest were under the impression that STURGIS
was somehow connected with child prostitution. Marita Lorenz was put under guard by
five shotgun-toting detectives. STURGIS' bail was set at $25,000. STURGIS retained
attorney Henry Rothblatt, who said the CIA and the HSCA were behind STURGIS'
arrest. Rothblatt had successfully defended Colonel Robert Rhealt and five other
officers of the Special Forces on charges that they had murdered a Vietnamese double
agent. That trial ended in dismissal of charges, when the CIA refused to allow its agents
to testify about its operations in Vietnam in conjunction with the Green Berets. In 1988
Henry Rothblatt represented BARKER during an Miami investigation into the granting of
zoning variances.

STURGIS DOES TIME FOR THE KENNEDY ASSASSINATION

On Wednesday, November 3, 1977, STURGIS' bail was reduced to $10,000 and he
was released from Rikers Island. STURGIS had been incarcerated for two days as a
result of his participation in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. It was
ironic that it took someone like Marita Lorenz to do this. On Friday, November 5, 1977,
the New York City District Attorney's Office announced that tape recordings and
documents submitted by Marita Lorenz had been examined and contained no threat.
The New York City District Attorney's Office moved for dismissal, since: "The lack of
substantiation of her claims impairs her credibility."

STURGIS SUES NYPD

The dismissal prompted Henry Rothblatt to announce his client planned to sue
everyone involved, and would file a federal lawsuit charging that STURGIS' Civil Rights
were violated when he was arrested by the New York City Police Department.
STURGIS was deposed by the late Bruce Stahl:

Q. Do you have any children?

A. Stepdaughter who is married. [What about Ronnie Sturgis?]

Q. Were you married to someone other than the person you are married to
now.

A. Yes sir.

Q. Who would that have been?

A. Divorce. I was reported killed in Cuba, and after I came back from
Cuba, naturally we were separated. [He abandoned his second wife.]

Q. Was that your first wife?

A. First wife was killed in an accident; second wife.

Q. When were you married the first time?

A. I was married, let's see, I came out of the Marine Corps. I believe it was
1946. I was on the Norfolk Police Department, and — Her name was Odell
Thompson. She was killed in an accident.

Q. What year?

A. I don't recall because I was in the Army.

Q. Did you ever threaten Mrs. Lorenz as to whether -- as to her speaking
with the Senate Committee.

A. No, sir.

Q. At no time did you tell her not to testify.

A. Not in her whole life, never. For anything ever. In the discussion, one of
the discussions I had with her, I asked her about the pressure behind her
in making those statements, and I did ask her if the company was behind
it. Or if the FBI was behind it, or any other group of people was behind it.

Q. Other than the fact that people stop you and take notice of you, it there
any other effect the arrest has had on your life?

A. Yes, because I've worried about the people who are stopping me are
going to shoot me, and that has affected on my family, that has
tremendous effect on my family.

Q. Do you expect to incur any expenses in the future due to your arrest?

A. Yes, sir.

Q. What expenses?

A. Legal expenses, and possibly hospital and funeral expenses. I'm a
marked man for the rest of my life, and a target for every nut in this
country.

Q. Has anyone tried to physically harm you since your arrest?

A. No.

ROTHBLATT : Does this include being hit by pies?

A. I'm sorry, I forgot about that.

Q. Who do you blame for bringing these facts, or this information, to the
news media, though?

A. Certain radical people.

STURGIS described Frank Nelson as a "retired newspaper man who is approximately
72 years old." [USDC SDNY 78 Civil 5113] The reference to pies related to an attempt
by Aron Kay to pie STURGIS as he entered the Courthouse at 100 Center Street. Frank

Nelson, 70, wrestled Aron Kay to the ground and the police took away his banana
cream pie. The New York Daily News made this its front page story.

THE POLYGRAPH TEST

A few days later, STURGIS underwent a polygraph test at the office of Henry Rothblatt
during which he was asked about the Kennedy assassination. STURGIS commented:
"Everything pertaining to the assassination, conspiracy, whether I was in Dallas that
day, whether I was a gunman, whether I was in a conspiracy to kill President Kennedy,
whether or not Marita Lorenz was, with the accusations she made, whether she was
telling the truth or not. I passed it 100%." Henry Rothblatt stated that STURGIS passed,
but he refused to send this researcher a copy of the raw test results. On November 9,
1977, the FBI issued a public denial that their agents had encouraged Lorenz to poison
Fidel Castro. [FBI 105-83564-14]

N.Y.P.D.

STURGIS sued the New York City Police Department. This researcher worked with the
New York City Police Department as a consultant on this case, and supplied it with
information on STURGIS' past connection with prostitutes, and fact that he had been
arrested for beating his wife. As a result, STURGIS did not pursue the matter fully. He
arranged an out of court settlement with the New York City Police Department in which
he received $2,500. The lawsuit was originally for $15 million. While working on the
STURGIS case, I left my original STURGIS file in my desk at Police Headquarters. The
Police assured me, "It's safe here, we're the police, right?" My STURGIS file, however,
was stolen by an agency of the Federal Government. All the documents in the file had
been catalogued, and, with some effort, were replaced.

INSPECTOR GENERAL 77-2343

MEMORANDUM FOR RECORD November 7, 1977
SUBJECT: Marita Lorenz

1. According to recent press information, Mr. FRANK STURGIS had been
charged with threatening subject, who reportedly told investigators from
the HSCA that she went with STURGIS and LEE HARVEY OSWALD to
Dallas three days before Kennedy's assassination. The charges were
dismissed on November 4, 1977, for "lack of proof." Subject has
repeatedly claimed that she was an undercover operative for the CIA and
FBI. According to LA Division operational traces, we have had no contact
for operations. But. . . .

2. In July 1977, DCD received a telephone call from subject, who asked
for a named DCD Contact Specialist (presently the Pittsburgh Field Chief).
On the telephone with DCD, subject claimed that she had various contacts
with U.S. Government agencies, and she was now reporting that she had
been invited by FRANK STURGIS, who had telephoned her several times
from Paris and Lisbon, to join him immediately in Lisbon and he provided
an airplane ticket for her to travel on July 21. According to subject,
STURGIS wanted to spy on the Cuban presence in Angola and wanted
subject with him. She called DCE to solicit their assistance in having the
exclusionary stamp on her passport lifted (not further explained) and
offered to report on STURGIS. Subject said that STURGIS has his own
army of revolutionaries-in-exile in the Miami area. DCD turned down her
offer.

3. In order to respond to a priority inquiry from DCI/PA whether or not the
Agency had anything to do with the subject, we followed up with DCD on
her relationship with DCD and learned that in April 1972, also while in New
York and living under the name of lllona M. Yurasits (no Directorate
traces), she offered to report on the wife of a Soviet U.N. delegation
member living in the same apartment building. She also collected
wastepaper basket trash from Soviet apartments which was offered to,
and refused by, the FR Division in New York. She met several times by
the DCD C/S and said then that she had previous contacts with CIA,
talked about her Castro connection, her sexual involvement with Castro,
and her contacts with STURGIS. DCD did not carry this information under
subject's name, but under Yurasits name, and is searching their records
further and recalling some material from archives which they believe might
be pertinent.

4. The above was called to the attention of OLC/Cummins. By direction of
ADDO, we will notify DCI/PA to make no comment to the press pending
further resolution of our relationship. It is noted that in view of the

dismissal of the New York charges, the press interest most probably will
dissipate.

Maurice A. Sovern.

THE CONSPIRACY RESPONSIBLE FOR MARITA LORENZ

Vindicated by the courts of having threatened Marita Lorenz, STURGIS began to blame
a conspiracy for the actions of Marita Lorenz. In November 1977 The Midnight Globe
ran this story: "STURGIS Says Reds Are Framing Me As JFK's Killer." STURGIS told
Malcomn Abrams Marita Lorenz was "brainwashed, drugged and coerced into working
for the communists." He explained: "There are elements behind her that have pressed
her to do what she has done. It's something I would like to find out about myself. I feel in
my heart she is not doing this as a person. I believe that communist agents are putting
pressure on her. There is somebody [WEBERMAN] behind this mess."

In April 1978 Ellis Rubin claimed:

Plaintiff sues the defendant WEBERMAN for conspiracy to defame and
slander in that Defendant, A. J. WEBERMAN did induce and conspire with
one Marita Lorenz to have her publicly accuse HOWARD HUNT of
financing and bankrolling several persons, including herself, to journey in
two cars from Miami to Dallas, in November of 1963, in order to murder
the then President of the United States, John F. Kennedy. As a result of
said conspiracy, these false and malicious charges by the said Marita
Lorenz and the Defendant, Alan J. WEBERMAN, with the purpose to
discredit and implicate Plaintiff HUNT in the most infamous crime in the
history of the United States. Wherefore Plaintiff demands judgment
against the Defendant for compensatory damages in the amount of
$1,000,000 and for punitive damages in the amount of $1,500,000, plus
costs of this action, and Plaintiff HUNT demands trial by jury of all issues
triable by a jury.

Plaintiff sues Defendant for conspiring to deprive Plaintiff of a witness in
the upcoming trial of this cause of action in that WEBERMAN conspired
with Marita Lorenz to induce and pay for the trip of FRANK STURGIS from
this jurisdiction to New York, to supposedly confer with Marita Lorenz.
Plaintiff would show that on October 31, 1977, due to the conspiracy and
connivance of Defendant WEBERMAN and Marita Lorenz, FRANK
STURGIS did journey to New York where he was falsely arrested and
imprisoned, and falsely accused of coercion and harassment. In addition,
the 15-year-old daughter of Marita Lorenz was apprehended by the New
York City Police Department while in possession of a loaded .22 caliber
revolver. The said daughter did admit to certain persons at the time and
place on October 31, 1977, in New York, New York, she had the gun on
her person to kill FRANK STURGIS. Plaintiff HUNT would now show that it

was the purpose of this conspiracy between the Defendant WEBERMAN,
and Marita Lorenz, was to either assassinate FRANK STURGIS, or
thoroughly discredit FRANK STURGIS, in order to deprive FIUNT of his
corroborative witness that the charges contained in Defendant
WEBERMAN's libelous publication are false and malicious and untrue.

In April 1978 HUNT was asked for any and all evidence that I planned to murder
FRANK STURGIS.

Q. Do you have any evidence that Mr. WEBERMAN conspired with Marita
Lorenz to kill Mr. FRANK STURGIS.

A. Yes, I do.

Q. Could I ask you, what is this evidence?

A. The statements made to by Mr. WEBERMAN and Mr. Sturgis made to
me and under oath.

Q. Where are those statements?

A. I don't know. You took the deposition.

MR. WEBERMAN: Excuse me for one second. Other than the statements
of Mr. STURGIS, is there any evidence of the plot of Mr. WEBERMAN
conspiring to kill FRANK STURGIS, as you alleged in you amended
Complaint?

THE DEPONENT: I believe the matter is in litigation in New York City right
now. Mr. STURGIS, I believe, gave the details of it. I am not too
conversant with --

Q. But other than Mr. STURGIS'S statements, there was nothing you
know of that would indicate Mr WEBERMAN was involved in this plot to do
away with Mr. STURGIS?

A. I am going to have to consult with counsel. Yes. My attorney has
conducted an extensive investigation the results of which he has not yet
made known to me.

FRANK STURGIS was asked about this:

Q. Do you have any evidence that WEBERMAN, the gentleman sitting
next to me today, engaged in conspiracy to lure you to New York City, and
in fact conspire with others to commit the crime of murder on you?

A. Mr. Gaeton Fonzi, the investigator for the HSCA, contacted me. He told
me, "FRANK, I got a call from Washington to go ahead and check into
these allegations of Marita Lorenz and naturally I have to sit down and talk
to you." Fine. So we set up a meeting, talked with Fonzi and he says,

"What do you think is behind this?" I said I didn't know. So, naturally, I
defended Marita. I said "I don't think Marita Lorenz would do this by
herself. There had to be some reason or some force pushing her behind
this." He says, "Well it seems that way. I just can't believe it," you know,
"everything that's going on." The only thing I can say is that Marita Lorenz
told me on the telephone that WEBERMAN was behind the pressures in
doing what she had done, you, know, that's the only thing I know.

Q. Do you know of any other assassination plots Mr. WEBERMAN was
involved in that would affect you, other than the one just spoken of?

A. No. Well, I'm telling you the story about Marita, what she told me that
some of the people that was behind her, the pressures that she had
behind her in making the story which led up to her daughter actually being
arrested for being outside her apartment with a .22 caliber pistol, can you
tell me? Can (sic) not a lawyer. I'd like to know these things. ..Now I don't
know whether WEBERMAN gave her money to go ahead and -- all I know
is that Marita Lorenz sent me a prepaid ticket. Now, where she got that
money, I don't know. ..I say there's elements in this country who are trying
to use me to divide the people's thinking in this country and the true
facts...

Ellis Rubin was asked what evidence he had of conspiracy. He had none.

My attorney asked HUNT how the potential murder of STURGIS could affect his alibi, if

the two men had not been together on November 22, 1963. He answered:

Well, I think I can look at it this way; that we know that FRANK STURGIS
has a solid alibi for where he was on the day the tragedy took place. By
doing away with him, then the focus - thanks to the book Coup D'Etat In
America - the focus now comes to rest on me.

The FBI sent this memorandum about Marita Lorenz to Assistant Attorney General,

Criminal Division, Robert L. Keuch:

On February 12, 1978, Marita Lorenz telephonically contacted the N.Y.

FBI and advised she had 16 tapes and four boxes of materials she has
compiled on her life. ..Lorenz asked to be contacted by the FBI on
February 13, 1978. On February 13, 1978, Lorenz recontacted the N.Y.

Office and advised she was leaving the area. She stated the FBI had
always treated her well in the past and she had decided to furnish the FBI
with more information regarding her dealings with FRANK STURGIS. ..The

allegations by Lorenz against STURGIS proved to be baseless. ..Lorenz
has proved untrustworthy in previous dealings with the FBI. As a result,

New York will make no effort to contact her to take possession of the
material. [FBI 62-1 1 7290 NR 2.24.78]

In the summer of 1978 Lorenz received a large advance from Viking Press for her life
story, according to document she allowed this researcher to copy. In July 1979 Lorenz
wrote a letter to Fidel Castro in which she willed him all of her property and gave him
custody over her two children. In September 1979 Lorenz filed a complaint against her
attorney, Lawrence Krieger, who had refused to let her steal from her son's trust fund. In
1992 she was back in the news again after she released the 'Andre Castro' story. In the
1990's Marita's daughter, Monica, lived with the son of Salvador Allende. Marita's son
went to law school. Marita ended up washing floors for a living.